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Ct^arUiS II. 






AN / ■ . 





jamesi i^ anti Cfjatlos i. 




^lito Ctom\jDeU anti C))atles( ii. 









TOL. V, 



VA y rr 

G. WooBf*ti» Printer, Angel Court, sadimer Street, London. 





k * . 

Charles, though blessed with a genius 
capable of great things, applied himself but 
iittle to the affairs of government *, the only 

* Charles, though blessed with a genius applied 

himself but little to the affairs of government.] Burnet 
assures us, *' he had a very good understanding. He 
knew well," adds he, *' the state of affairs both at home 
and abroad. He had a great compass of know- 
ledge ; though he was never capable of much applica* 
lion or study. He understood the mechanic^ and 
physick ; and was a good chemist, and much set on 
several preparations of mercury, chiefly the fixing it. 
He understood navigation well; but above all, he 
knew the architecture of ships so perfectly, that, in 
that respect, he was exact rather more than became a 
prince. His apprehension was quick; and his me- 
mory good. rHe hated business, and could not b« 

eaaily brought to imad any : but when it was necessary, 
and he was set to it^ he would stay as long as his rai- 


i TtiE LIFE. 6^ 


proper employment of a prince : and, witlt 

nisters bad work for him*." ^This character is con- 

firmed by those who best knew hiAi. Sheffield, Duke 
of Buckingham, observes, " that his understanding was 
quick and lively in little things { and sometimes would 
soar high enough in great ones, but unable to keep it 
tip with any lodg . attention oi* aj^plicatidn. Witty in 
all sorts of conversation ; and telling a story so well, 
th^t, not out of flattery, but for the pleasure of hearing 
ft, we used'to seem ignorant of what he had repeated 
to us ten times before, as a good comedy will bear the 
being seen often. Of a Wb'nderful mixture; losing 
all his time, and, till of late, setting his whole heart on 
the fair sex.-7— : — Jn the mid^t of all his remissness, so 
Ttidu'strious and indefatigable on some particular occa- 
sions, that no raian woold either toil longer, or be able' 

to manage it better^."- Sir William Temple, after; 

relating a conversation he had with him, remarks, 
*f that he never saw him in better humour, nor ever 
knew a more agreeable conversation when he was so : 
and where,*' continues he, " he was pleased to be fa- 
miliar, great quickness of conception, great pleasant- 
ness of wit, with great : variety of knowledge, more 
observation and truer judgment of njien, than one would 
bave imagined by so careless and easy a manner as 
was natural to him in all he said or did. From his 
own temper, he desired nothing but to be easy himself, 
and that every body else should be so ; and would have 
been glad to see the least of his subjects pleased, and 
to refuse no man what lie asked^ But this softness of 
temper made him apt to fall into the persuasions of 
whoever had his kindness and confidence for the time. 

. * Burnet, vol, I. p. 93. ^ Bttdrii^fiuai's Works, toI. il. p. 58. 

ISnio Lond. 1753.. 



trit and understanding, in no common de- 
how different soever from the opinions be was of before; 
and be was very easy to change hands, when tliose he 
employed seemed to have engaged him in any difficul- 
ties : so as iiotbiag looked steady in the conduct of his 

affairs, nor aimed at any certain end'." l-ord 

Halifax [Savins'], who was no slranger to him, says, 
" that be had a mechanical head, which appeared in 
his inclination to shipping and fortification, &c. Tliis 
would make one conclude, that bis thoughts would 
naturally have been more fixed to business, if his plea- 
sures bad not drawn them away from it. He had a 
very good memory, though he would not always make 
equal good use of it. So that if he had accustomed 
himself to direct his faculties to bis business, I see no 
reason why he might not have been a good deal master 
of it. His chain of memory was longer than his chain 
of tbonght: the first could bear any burden, the other 
was tired by being carried on too long : it was fit to 
ride a heat, but it had not wind enough for a long 
course''." Lord Clarendon owns, and attempts to ac* 
count for, the indolence ofhis master, by "the unhap- 
py temper and constitution of the royal party and 

other perplexities [soon after the Restoration], wbicli 
did so break his mind, and had that operation on his 
spirits, that, finding be could not propose any such 
method to himself, by which he might extricate him- 
self out of the many difficulties and labyrinths in which 

he was involved, he grew more disposed to leave 

all things to their natural course, and God's provi- 
dence; and, by degrees, unbent his mind from tiie 

■ BucVingham'sWork", p, 40B. 8vo editign. 
Charlci U, Bro, p. 40. Loud. HiO. 

' Character af lung 

4 TIf E WFE Oi 

gree, he was subject to much weakness and 

knotty and ungrateful part of his bosiness^ grew more 
"tennt»& in bis application to it, and indulged to his 
youth and appetite, that license and satisfaction that 
it desired, and for which he had opportunity enough, 
and could not be without ministers abundant for any 
^ch negociations; the time itself^ and theyqungpeo^ 
pie therepfy of eitlier sex, having been educated in all 
the liberty of vice, without reprehension or restraint*.* 
L suppose the reader, by these authorities, will be fully 
satisfied of the genius and indolence, of Charles; an 
indolence, contracted whilst abroad, and confirmed by 
indulgence from his Restoration to his death : which 
damped his understanding, and made it in a manner 
useless to those over whom he bare rule. For *' when 
once the aversion to bear uneasiness taketh place in a 
mans mind, it doth so check all the passions, that they 
are dampt into a kind of indifierence ; they grow faint 
and languishing, and come to be subordinate to that 
fundamental maxim, of not punchasing any thing at^ 
the price of a difficulty. This made that he had as 
little eagerness to oblige as he had to hurt men ; the 
motive of his giving bounties, was, rather tp mal^^ 
men les^ uneasy to him, than more easy to themselves ; 
and yet no ill-nature all tills while. He would slide 
from an asking face, and could guess v^ry well. It 
was throwing a man off from his shoulders, that leaned 
upon them with his whole weight;. so that the party 
was not gladder to receive, than he was to give. It 
was a kind of implied bargain; though men seldom 
kept it*, being so apt to forget the advantage they had 
received, that they would presume the king would as 

* Clareodon's ContiDuation, toI. II. p. SSk 

xHARiiES re i 

•little itmember the gdod^efaad idond them, so ^s t6 
make it an argument against their next request. This 
principle^ of making the lore of ease eKdrcise an en- 
tire sovereignty iti his thoughts, would have beek 
less censured . in a private ilian, than might be in k 
rpridce. The consequence of it to the publick, chieiii^- 
«th the nature of that quality ; or else a phildsophei*, 
.in his private capacity, might sJqr a great deal to justify 
it. The truth is, a king is to be such a distinct cred* 
ture from a rfjan, that their thoughts are to be put in 
quite a differing shape ; and it is such a disquietit^^ 
task to reconcile them, that princes might rathfer expedt 
to be lami^nted than to be envied, for being in a sftatioh 
th^t expbfeeth them, if they do not do more to answer 
fttferl's exp^dtktiotis than hunlan natiire will allow. — --*- 
The Idve of ease is an opiate: it is pleasing fbr tbe 
timfe, quieteth 'the spirits ; but it hath its effects, that 
seldom fail to be most fatal. The immoderate love of 
ease, fffaketh k man's mind pay a passive obedience to 
any thing that happeneth : it reduceth the thoughts, 
from havitig desire, to be content \" iSoftie of thesfe 
reflexions are extremely just; fiHd I doubt not of the 
reader's being pleased with them; efepeeifelljr as they 
tend to illustrate the character of the iii^nktx>h undlSr 

consideration* It would be injustice 't6 Charles to 

oirtit Dr^ Sprat's account of his enco^rc^enttfnt of the 
Royal Society ; as it confirms what Blirriet has related 
in the passage above cited. ** When the" society/' 
says the writer, " first addressed themselves 16 hH tea- 
jesty, he was pleased to express ilnuch ^^tisifn^Mlbi, 
th^t this enterprise w^s begun in hts r^ign. • ITfe'tlfeh 
represfented to them the gravity aiid difficulty of their 
-work; and addUred them 6t all the kind Hff)uenCe>f 


his power and prerogatiw. Since that, be has fre* 
quently committed many things to their search: he 
has referr'd many foreign rarities to their inspection : 
he has recommended many domestick improvements 
to their care : he has demanded the result of their 
%rjah, in many appearances of nature : he has heen 
present, and assisted with his own hands, at the per- 
forming of many of their experiments, in his gardens, 
iis parks, and on the river. And, besides, I will not 
conceal, that he has sometimes reproved them for the 
slowness of their proceedings : at which reproofs they 
have not so much cause to be afflicted that they are 
the reprehensions of a king, as to be comforted that 
they are the reprehensions of his love and affection to 
their progress. For a testimony of which royal be- 
nignity, and to free them from all hindrances and oc- 
casions of delay, he has given them the establishment 
of his letters paten tV 

One would think, by this passage, that the Royal So- 
ciety had its beginning in this reign : but, setting aside 
the name and th^ charter, it had its existence long 
before. For it was under the parliament, when the au- 
thority and the name of king was little reverenced, but 
;merit, and ai:ts of all kinds, encouraged. It was in 
this memorable period, so favourable to liberty and 
the sciences, that this npble society, though without a 
name, was set on foot. 

"About the year 1645," saj^s Dr. Wallis, a very 
fsminent member, " while I lived in London, at a time 
wben^by o)ir qivU wars, academical studies were much 
interrupted in both o^r universities, besides the conver- 
sation of divers eminent divines, as to matters theologi- 
cal j I had the opportunity of being acquainted with 

^ History of thei Rpyal Society, p. 133. 4to. Lend. 1667. 



CHARLES ir. y 

divers worthy persons, inquisitive into natural philoso* 
phy, and other parts of human learning : and particu- 
larly of what bath been called the New Philosophy, or 
Experimental Philosophy. We did, by agreement, 
divers of us meet weekly in London, on a certain day, 
to treat and discourse of such affairs. Of such num- 
ber were. Dr. John Wilkins, afterwards Bishop ot 
Chester; Dr. Jonathan Goddard, Dr. George Ent, 
Dr. Glisson, Dr. Merret, doctors in physick; Mr. 
Samuel Foster, then Professor of Astronomy at Gres* 
ham College ; Mr. Theodore Haak, a German of the 
Palatinate, and then resident in London (who, I think, 
gave the first occasion, and first suggested these meet- 
ings); and many others. These meeting* we held 
sometimes at Dr. Goddard's lodgings, in Wood-street, 
or some convenient place near, on occasion of his 
keeping an operator for grinding glasses for telescoped 
and microscopes; and sometimes at a convenient place 
in Cheapside ; sometimes at Gresham College, or some 
place near adjoining. Our business was, precluding 
matters of theology and state affairs, to discourse and 
consider of philosophical enquiries, and such as related 
thereunto, as physick, anatomy, geometry, astronomy, 
navigation, staticks, magneticks, chemicks,mecfaanicks, 
and natural experiments; with the state of these stu- 
dies, as then ^cultivated, at home ^i;id abroad. — — -Abouf 
the year 1^48, 1649, some of us being removed to 
Oxford, first Dr. Wilkins, then I, and, soon after. Dr. 
Goddard, our company divided. Those in London 
cpntini^ed to meet there, as before; and we with them, 
.when we had occasion to be thjere. And those of us 
at Oxford, with Dr. Ward, since Bishop of Salisbury; 
Dr. Ralph Bathurst, now President of Trinity College, 
in Oxford; Dr. Petty, since Sir William Petty; Dr, 
WUlis/ then an eminent physician in Oj(ford; iati4 


credulity \ Besides this, with a seeming 

divers others; oontioued soch meetings io Oxford, 
and broogfat those studies into fisishion there: meeting 
first at Dr. Pettie's lodgings, in an apothecarie's house, 
because of the cxinvenience of inspecting drugs, and 
the like, as there was occasion : and, after his remove to 
Ireland, tho' not so constantij-, at the lodgings of Dr. 
Wilkins, then Warden of Wadham College; and after 
his remoYal to Trinity College in Cambridge, at the 
lodgings of the honourable Mr. Robert Boyle, then 
resident for divers years in Oxford. Those meetings 
in London continued : and after the king's return, in 
1660, were increased with the accession of divers wor- 
ldly and honourable persons ; and were afterwards in* 
corporated by the name of the Royal Society, 8cc. and 
so continues to this day*" The reader will par- 
don a digression intended to restore the honour of so 
excellent an institution to its right authors; and to 
rescue the time of its formation from the foul slanders 
of barbarism, ignorance, and darkness, so frequently 
cast on it^ 

. * He was subject to much weakness and credulity.] 
.Wisdom and foUy; understanding and credulity; 

* Wallis's Account of some passages in his life, quoted in the notes of 
the Life of A. SMiiejr, p. 44. 4to. Lond. 1763. And Ward's Preftice to 
the livetoftbe Profenors of Gresham College, p. 10. foil, Lond. 1740. 
§i€e alio Sprat's Hittory, pi 53. 

^ Wood, flaking of Henry Stabbe, says, while he continned andeiw 
graduate at Christ Church, Oxon, it was usual with him to discourse in the 
pnbUo schools very Suently in the Greek tongue ; as it was, at the 8am€ 
tine, with one John Pettie, of fialiol, afterwards of Qoeen^ CoHege, and 
others, whoie names are forgotten. But since the king's restontioa, wm 
have bad no soch matters ; which shews, in some part, that education anfl 
dildpline were more severe then (as indeed they were) than after, whe^ 
teholan were given more to liberty and frivolous studies. Athense Oxon* 


Openness and fiauknesa of heart, which 

though opposites and contranes,- very Frequently reside 
ill one and the same man : and nothing is more com* 
inoD, than to sec those of superior capacities fall into 
weaknesses and follies, which men of plain sense lioM 

in contempt and vciy deservedly ridicule. Witches, 

•he stars, charms, oracles, ghosts, and every phantotq 
which weakness or wickedness, in various ages and 
different countries have imagined or feigned, have, 
'Some or other of them, been embraced, as truths, by 
men moat respectable on account of their knowledge, 
virtue and integrity. E need not tjuole proofs for tliis : 
auch as are desirous of them may read Plutarch, amon^^ 
the ancients ; aod recollect, that the names of Sir Tho- 
mas Brown, Sir Matthew Hale, Mr. Boyle, and many 
etberS) amoug the moderns; are in the number of Uie 
believers of the intercourse of the devil with the most 
wreldied and despicable of the daughters of Eve. To 
which may be added that the profession of a coiijurep 
was so very common amongst the catholics, that a 
question is put by the Jesuit Sanchez, " whether A 
conjurer is obliged to return the gain which he makes 
by conjuration? Which he thus resolves: ' If the con- 
jurer has not taken tbe care and pains to know, by the 
devil's means, what could not be known otherwise; he 
is obliged to restitution : but if he has taken all due 
care, he is not obliged'." A"o wonder, therefore, is it 
to find a prince of Charles's character, who was unused 
to enquiry, and accustomed to assent to those about 
him, liable to weakness, and exposed to credulity. 
Burnet tells us, " the king had ordered Mountague, 
his ambassador at Paris, in the year l678, to find pu^ 

■ Paseh-il'i totter;, vol. I. p, 18^, Si-o. lanJ. 17+4 


pleased much those who came near him, 

ao astrologer, of t\ hem it was no wonder he had a good 
opinion: for he bad, long before his reBtoration, ibie- 
told, he should enter London on the £9th of May, — 6o. 
He was jet alive; and Monntagne fband him, and saw- 
be was capable of being corrupted. So he resolved to 
prompt him, to send the king such hints as shoald 
serve his own ends. And be was so bewitched with 
the duchess of Cleveland, that he trusted her with this 
secret. But she, growing jealous of a new amour, took 
all the ways she could think on to ruin him ; reserving 
this of the astrologer for her last shift. And by it she 
eompassed her ends : for Moontague was entirely lost 
upon it with the king, and came over without being 
lecalled ^T Thisy at first sight, seems a strange paa* 
sage : a passage which seems to have been picked nb 
merely to reflect on the king and the ambassador. Bat 
improbabilities, though, for a time, thej may and 
ought to hinder the assent of the human mind ; do not, 
ought not, always to prevent it. Our understandings are 
too narrow ; our knowledge too little ; our experience 
too small ; to say, absolutely, what is, or whiut is not„ 
possible, or impossible, to be believed, or done, by men 
variously circumstanced : and, therefore, foolish as this 
story may now appear, it yet, possibly, may be very 

true; nay, certainly, is so. ^For the duchess of 

Cleveland's letter to the king, is now in the British 
Museum.; dated, Paris, Tuesday the 28th, — 78, and 
in it is contained the following expressions : ^ When 
I was to come over,^ says she, '' he [Mountague} 
brought me two letters to bring to you, which he read 
both to me before he sealed them. The one was a 

» Boroefc, foL I.p. 482* 


mans, that, he said, you had great faith in ; for thajt 
he had, at several times, foretold things to you that 
were of consequence ; and that you bdiieved him in all 
things, like a changeling as you were: and that now 
he had wrote you word, that, in a few moiiihs, the king 
of France, and his son, were threatened with death ; or^ 
at least, with a great fit of sickness, in which they 
would be in great danger, if they did not die : and that 
therefore he counsell'd you to defer any resolutions 
either of war or peace, till some months were past ; for 
that, if this happened, it would make a great change 
in France. The ambassador, after he had read this to 
me, said. Now the good of this is, said he, that%I can 
do what I will with this man: for he is poor; and a 
good Btim of money will make him write whatever I 
will. So he proposed to me, that he and I should join 
together in the ruin of my lord treasurer [Danby], 
and the duchess of Portsmouth ; which might be done 
thus : The man, though he was infirm and ill, should 
go into England ; and' there, after having been a little 
time, to soUicit you for money ; for that you were so 
base, that, though you employed him, you let him 
starve; so that he was obliged to give him 50/. and 
that the man had writ several times to you for money* 
And, says he, when he is in England, he shall tell th^ 
king things that he foresees will infallibly ruin him; 
and so wish those to be removed, as having an ill star, 
that would be unfortunate to you if tbf:y were not xcr 
moved : but if that were done, he was confident you 
would have the most glorious reign that ever was. 
This, says he^ I am sure I can order so, as to bring to 
a good effect, if you will*." From this letter, we may 
iudge of the goodness of Burnet's intelligence; aQ4 

* See Jhc Appendix. 



rectify an opinion, by too many entertahic-d, thai br 
iras hasty and credulous^ and a mere recorder of tht 
tales and scandalu of tlie times. 

I will. conclude tiiis note with theie\ords of M. le 
Clercy b man equally remarkable for hi:> }>ense, learning, 
and frecdodi of thought. ^' There is nothing so conv- 
mon as to see unbehevert," sajs he, " btrongJy per- 
Bwaded of Judiciary Astrology; and behoving, that 
magicians can do several things beyond the power and 
order of nature. Two great ministers of state, for ex- 
ample, whose actions will not let us think that religion 
was one of their greatest virtues, are both accused of 
believing the predictions of astrologers: and one of 
them, of pcrs wading himself, that a man who vomit^ 
several sorts of liquors, did it by the help of magick. 
Cardinal Richlieu, says an historian, consulted, besides 
astrology, all kinds of divination ; even silly women, 
whose knowledge consists in vapours, that make them 
foi;etell, by chance, some fortuitous events, H.e was 
jBo credulous, as to attribute to the operation of the de- 
Til, the art of throwing out at the mouth all sorts of 
liquors, after having first drunk water ; as was done by 
^1^ Italian mountebank. Mazarine, who was not yet a 
cardinal, having at so simple a discourse burst out into 
laughing, bad like to lose bis favour by it: for the 
cardinal being provoked at this mirth, whereby he 
thought Mazarine jeer'd him, said, ironically, to him, 
ihat he was not Monsieur Mazarine, who had a pro- 
found and exact knowledge of every thing. Mazarine 
tery submissively reply'd, that, giving the fifty pistoles 
which the mountebank demanded for teaching his se- 
cret, it might be seen whether the devil had koy hand 
ift it. Mazarihe himself looked upon all divinations as 
fopperies; except astrology, which he strongly fancied, 
though he feigned the contrary. When Madam Man- 

5 " 

he was an arrant dissembler ' ; as is con<w«^ 

citii, bis sister, dy'd; and afterwards the duchess ( 
Mercceur, his niece, accordtag to the prediction of an 
astrologer at Rome, given in writing a great while be- 
fore, he became extraordinary sad and melancholy, not 
ont of tenderness to his relations, but because thtt.- 
same astrologer had fix'd the term of his own death t<k> 1 
a time that was very near. He lost his appetite upa» I 
it, and slept not for many nights'." 

^ He was an arrant dissembler.] We have seen th^ ] 
dissimulation of Charles in Scotland '': a dissimnktioiC' 
lo base, that it made deep impressions on the minds of 
many; and gave his adversaries a handle to represent 
him in no very favourable light. This is taken notice 
of, and attempted lo he apologized for, iu the declara- 
tion concerning ecclesiastical affairs, published sooix 
after the Restoration. " We have found," says the 
declaration, " ourself not so candidly dealt with as we 
have deserved; and that there are unquiet and restless 

spirits, who continue their bitterness against the 

church, and endeavour to raise jealousies of us, and to 
lessen our reputation by their reproaches, as if we 
were not true to the professions we have made. And, 
in order thereunto, they have very unseasonably 
caused to be printed, published, and dispersed, 
throughout the kingdom, a declaration heretofore print- 
«d, in our name, in Scotland ; of which we shall say no 
more, than that the circumstances, by which we were 
enforced to sign that declaration, are enough known to 
the world ; and that the worthiest and greatest part of 
that nation did even then detest and abbor the ill usage 
of us in that particular, when the same lyranny wa» 

-■ CaiHw of I««rertBnty, p 34. 13bio. imid. \S91. » Iu vol. IV. hoI* 1*. 


fessed even by his friends, and very little toi'^ 

eicercised there, by the poweir of a few ill men, whicb^ 
at that time, had spread itself over this kingdom; and 
therefore we had no reason to expect, that we should 
at this season (when we are doing all we can to wipe 
out the memory of all that hath been done amiss by 
other men, and, we thank God, have wiped it out of 
our own remembrance), have been ourself assaulted 
with those reproaches; which we will likewise for-» 
getV— — This is but a poor apology. If circum- 
stances had not enforced, Cromwell had been no dis^ 
scmbler.*— • — -To go on.*— ^—Sheffield observes, that 
** Charles was not false to his word; but full of dissimu- 

lation> and very adroit at it**" And Saville, after 

taking notice, " that princes dissemble with too many 
not to have it discovered ;" adds, ** no wonder then 
that he [Charles] carried it so far that it Was disco^ 
vered. Men," continues he, " compared notes, and 
got evidence: so that those whose morality would 
give them leave, took it for an excuse for aenring him 
ill. Those who knew his face, fixed their eyes there; 
"and thought it of more importance to see, than to hear 
what he said. His face was as little a blab as most 
' mens; yet, though it could not be called a prat- 
tling face, it would sometimes tell tales to a good 
observer. When he thought fit to be angry, he had a 
very peevish memory: there was hardly a blot that 
Scaped him. At the same time that this shewed the 
strength of his dissimulation, it gave warning too: it 
jfitted his present purpose, but it made a discovery that 
put men more upon their guard against him"^.*' 

• Kennet's Register, p. 289. *» Buckingham's Works, voL II. p. 5S. 
^ Character of K. Charles II. p. 15. 



Aftfer this, it will be no difficult matter for th€f readef 
to beliere, *' that, when the king passed throngh th« 
city towards Westminster, the London ministers at- 
tended him with acclamations; and, by the hands of 
old Mr. Arthur Jackson, presented him with a ricb* 
adorned Bible,, which he received, and told them, it 
should be the rule of his actions*/' Nof can we vr6n^ 
der that a prince of this character, in order to keejMip 
appearances, should order attempts to be madeto'f64 
cover his. brother from popery; which he himself W9^ 
probably, — as we shall soon see — far from being disia^ 
clined to^ This particular we find in a letter from 
Sancroft to Morley, dated, Feb. II, 1678, in the fol^ 
lowing words : " Yesterday I had a private intimatioa 
from my superiour, that it is his pleasure that somej 
further attempt should speedily be made to recover thtf 
duke of York out of that foul apostacy into which tbt 
busy traytors from Rome have seduced him*/'— — 
There is another story related, by an anonymous writer, 
>wbieb, possibly, may be true, as being consistent with 
the king's character ; though I will not charge myself 

with the proof of it* ^— " Whilst the king lay at 

Breda, daily expecting the English navy for his trans- 
portation; the dissenting party, fearing the worst, 
thought it but reasonable to send a select number of 
their most eminent divines to wait upon his majesty in 
Holland, in order to get the most advantageous pro^ 
mises from him they could, for the liberty of their con* 
9ciences« Of the number of these divines, Mr. Case 
was one ; who, with the rest of his brethren, coming 
where the king lay, and desiring to be admitted into 
the king's. presence, were carried up into the chamber 

* Baxter's life, p.'^lB. *> State Letters of Heniy, Earl of a»- 

rendoD, Tol XL p. 275. 4to. Oxoo. 1763. 



iiext, or very near, the king's closet ; but toM Witbal^ 
that the king was busy at his devotioos, and that till 
he had done they must be contented to stay. Being 
thus leit ^one (by contrivance, no doubt), and hearing 
a sound of groaning piety, such was the curiosity of 
'SfiiT. Case, that he would needs go and lay his ear to 
the closet door. But, Heavens ! how was the good old 
l^nai^ ravished to hear the pious ejaculations that fell 
&fi^fh^ king*s lips! — Lord — since thou art pleased to 
r^tere me to the throne of my ancestors, grant me a 
heart constant in the exercise and protection of thy 
t,rue protestont religion. — Never may I seek the op- 
ppression of those who, out of tenderness of their con- 
i|ciences, are not free to conform to outward and indif- 
ferent ceremonies. — ^With a great deal more of the 

f^uie cant*." This account is far enough from 

being improbable: for, on good authority, we are as* 
«ured, " that when he received the London ministers, 
which^went to him at the Hague, he had these memo* 
rable and rare expressions : That he would make it hit 
business to bring virtue and sobriety into fashion aacl 
repute in England ; and though there were a profane 
drinking party, which would be esteemed his best and 
Quly friends, he would make the more haste into Eng- 
land, to let such men know, that he was their worst 
^qemy, for they were the devil's party, and none of 
his. These were his words; and, which is the true 
l¥>aour of them, they were free; not drawn irombim, 
or suggested to him^.'' — ^These, and facts like these, 
will establish the character of Charles for dissimula^ 
iiQa; and. class him, in this respect, with many of hi» 
JUoat. zealous . opponents. Lord Halifax attempts tci 

/ Secret WMoty of tlie Reigns of Charles 11. and Janes II* 19m«« 
1^ 90« 1690, ^ Itoraet's Register, p. 4€9. 


be relied on. He is accused, perhaps 

not without foundation, of ingratitude* to- 

apologize for him, however, on this h6ad. " If he 
dissembled," says he, " let as remember, first, that he 
was a king ; and that dissimulation is a jewel of the 
crown: next, that it is very hard for a man hot to do 
sometimes too much of that, which he concludeth ne- 
cessary for him to practise. Men should coasider, 
that as there would be no false dice, if there were no 
true ones; so if dissembling is grown universal, it 
ceaseth to be foul play, having an implied allowance: 
by the general practice. He that was so often forced 
to dissemble in his own defence, might the better have 
the priviledge sometimes to be the aggressor, and to- 
deal with men at their own weapon "*.'' What force 
there is in this, the reader will determine. 

* He has been accused of ingratitude;] This was 
the charge against him soon after his restoration, by 
parties, and private persons. ** Theiy who had suf- 
fered much in their fortunes, and, by frequent impri- 
sonments, and sequestrations, and compositions, ex- 
pected large recompences and reparations' in honours, 
which they could not support, or offices which they 
could not discharge, or lands and money which Mm 
king had not to give ; as all dispassioned men JlsiW 
the conditions which the king was obliged to perfbmy 
and that the act of indemnity discharged aH those for- 
feitures whiciF'^totild have been applied to their bene- 
fit; and thertMiti^they who had been, without com- 
parison, the gtieatcst sufferers in their fortunes, and in 
all respects had merited mo$t> never made any inconve*^ 

* Character of K. Charles % p* 56. Corapape a pMtige from- Uie 
ADti-Machiavel, quoted in fht^'UtMlMSharles I. p. S3. 

VOL, V. C 


wards those from whom he had received 
very great obligations in his necessities; 

nient suits to the king, but modestly left the memory 
and consideration of all they had done, or uodergoney 
to his majesty's own gracious reflexions. They were 
observed to be most importunate, who had deserved 
least, and were least capable to perform any notable 
service; and none had more esteem of themselves,- 
and believed preferment to be more due to them, than 
a sort of men who had most loudly began the king's* 
health in taverns ; especially if, for any disorders which 
had acQompanied it, they bad suffered imprisonment^ 
without any other pretence of merit, or mnning any 
other hazard *."— These are the words of Clarendon : 
words of scfV^rity, but perhaps justice, to many of his 
party; though they come with a very ill grace from a 
man who received twenty thousand pounds, from the 
king's bounty, soon after his arrival in England ^ : who 
had never suffered imprisonment, or 'run hazard in the 
field, for the royal cause; and who, moreover, had pro- 
cured of the king tl^e manor of Cornbury, in Oxford- 
shire, forfeited by the attainder of Sir John Danvers, 
one of the late king's Judges ^. We are not to wonder 
then that the cavaliers complained highly of their 
bdkig neglected, as Burnet assures us they did : or that, 
upon Clarendon's beating down the value they set on 
their services, an implacable hatred^ took place in the 
breasts of many of them against bim^> For to be 
neglected, and contemned at the same line, by persons 
we have wished to serve, and for whom we have suffier- 
ed, is hardly to be borne by men of virtue ; much less 

•' Clarendofi'ft Continuation, Tol. IL pt 35. ^ Id. p. 60. * Wood's 
A^eam, toI. IL c. i34. * Sc^WVPHjAg 9I. L p. 165. 

CHARLES 11. ig 

and even towards the memory of his father, 

by those unacquainted with it. If his lordship, as 

Was given out, advised the king to gain his enemies, 
since he was sure of his friends by their principles; 
we cannot be at a loss to account for their ill will. 

To go on. Burnet observes of his majesty, that 

** he had been obliged to so many, who had been faith- 
ful to him, and careful of him, that he seemed after- 
wards to resolve to make an equal return to them all : 
and finding it not easy to reward them all as they de- 
served, he forgot them all alike.. Most princes seem 
to have this pretty deep in them; and to think, that 
they ought never to remember past services, but that 
their acceptance of them is a full reward. He, of all 
in our age, exerted this piece of prerogative in the 
amplest manner: for he never seemed to charge his 
memory, or trouble his thoughts, with the sense of any 
of the services that had been done him'." It ap- 
pears also, from the satires of the times, that ingrati-^ 
tude WHS imputed to Charles. 

" His father's foes he does reward. 

Preserving those that cut ofT's head : 
Old cavaliers, the crown's best guard. 

He lets them starve for want of bread. 
Never was any king endu'd 
With so much grace and gratitude." 


** To see them who suffered for father and son. 
And helped to bring the latter to*s throne, .,.. 
Who, with lives and estates, did loyally serve. 
And yet, for all this, can nothing deserve. 
The king looks not on them, preferment's deny'd *ero ; ->.^ 
The Roundheads insult, and the Courtiers deride 'em." 


' Burnet, Vol, L p. 61 !• 

c 3 

..^^MM^Jtma^i^^o, ^ . ^.^M-,^^^^ ^ V *'<:-i^^^^L^>' >.. 'r\ 


he was wanting in tliat respect, which his. 

This was the language of the times. Nor did it want 
truth for its foundation. Lord Clarendon, as we have 

seen^ endeavours to excuse and justify his master; 

but how very poorly, is about to appear. I will not 
here take notice of Charles's treatment of the body of 
the presbytertans, to whom he, in -a good measure, 
owed his crown: but will confine myself to the cases of 
a few persons, one of whom only was of that persuasion. 
The marquis of Argyle was executed, as it is well 
known, soon after Charles had taken possession of the 
three kingdoms. He had been looked on as an enemy 
by the former king ; — he certainly was so to his designs; 
»— and it was alledged, ^^ that he had hindered the Scots 
from inviting his majesty, and, as long as possible, 
kept him from being received by tliem :" but, at the 
san^e time, it is confessed, " that when there was no 
remedy, and that he was actually landed, no man paid 
him so much reverence and outward respect, and gave 
so good an example to all others, with what veneration 
their king ought to be treated, as the marquis of Argyle 
did ; and in a very short time made himself agreeable 
and acceptable to him. And though he never con- 
sented to any one thing of moment which the king 
asked of him, and even in those seasons in which he 
was used with the most rudeness by the clergy, and 
with some barbarity by his son the lord Lome, whom 
he had made captain of his majesty's guard, to guard 
him from his friends^ and from all who he desired should 
have access to him; the marquis still had that address, 
that he perswaded him all was for the best. When 
the other faction prevailed, in which there were like- 
wise crafty managers, and that his counsels were com- 
monly rejected, he carried himself so, that they who 


friends thought needful, and all mankind 

hated him most were willing to corapound with him, 
and that his majesty should not withdraw his counte- 
nance from him. But he continued in all his charges, 
and had a very great party in the parliament that was 
most devoted to serve the king; so that his majestjl^ 
was often put to desire his liielp to compass what he 
desired. He did heartily oppose the king's marching 
with his army into England; the ill success whereof 
made many men helieve, afterwards, that he had mbrfe 
reasons for the counsels he gave, than they had who 
were of another opinion. And the king was so far 
from thinking him his enemy, that, when it was pri- 
vately proposed to him, by those he trusted most, that 
he might be secured from doing hurt when the king 
was marched into England, since he was so much 
against it; his majesty would by no means consent to 
it, but parted with him very gracioilsly, a-s with one 
he expected good service from. All which the com- 
missioners [of Scotland, foes to Argyle] well remember- 
ed, and were very unwilling that he should be again 
admitted into his presence, to make his own excusei 
for any thing he could be chaf-ged with. And his 
behaviour afterwards, and the good correspondence hfe 
had kept with Cromwell, but especially some confident 
averments of some particular words or actioias which 
related to the murder of his father, prevailed with his 
majesty not to speak with him, which he laK^ured by 
many addresses in petitions to the king, and letters to 
some of those who were trusted by him, which were 
often presented by his wife, and his son, and in which 
he only desired, to speak with the king, or with some 
of those lords, pretending, that he should inform and 
communicate somewhat that Would highly concern bi0 


expected from him ; though he endeavourr 

" majesty's service. But the king not vouchsafing to 
admit him to his presence, the English loyds had no 
mind to have aD3^conference with a man who had so 
dark a character, or to meddle in an affair that must b^ 
examined and adjudged by the laws of Scotland : an4 
8o it was resolved, that {he marquis of Argyle should 
be sent by sea into Scotland, to be tried before th^ 
parliament there, when the commissioner should arrive 
who was dispatched thither with the rest of the lords, 
as soon as the seals, and other badges of their several 
offices, could be prepared. And what afterwards he-: 

came of the marquis, is known to all men*." It is, 

I think, very easy to conclvide, from this naiTative,-^ 
though partial and untrue in many parts of it, — that 
Charles was under very great obligations to Argyle ; 
and that his refusing to see him, and his delivering 
him up to the rage of his enemies, was highly un- 
grateful. If innocent, the marquis had a right to hi^ 
protection : — if guilty, his services claimed, at least, 
90 small a favour as to be heard by the king in his 
own defence. But his majesty's ingratitude in this 
affair will be farther manifested by the following letter, 
or declaration, written with his own hand, and signed 
with his seal manual, dated at St. Johnstoun,, Sept. 24, 
1650. — " Having taken into my consideration the 
faithfulendeavours of the marquis of Argyle, for re- 
storing i|^ to my just rights, and the happy settling of 
my dominions; I am desirous to let the world see 
how sensible I am of his real respect to me, by some 

• • • • • 

particular marks of my favour to him, by which they 
may see the trust and confidence which I repose iq 

^ ' * clarendon's Continuation, vol II. p. 99, 

t *• 


CHARLES 11. 28. 

ed to excuse himself from the imputation 

him: and, particularly, I do promise, that I will 
make him duke of Argyle, and knigbt of the garter, 
and one of the gentlemen of my bed-chamber; and 
this to be performed when he shall think it fit. And I 

do farther promise him, to hearken to his counsels 

worn out-n — ^whenever it shall please God to restore 
me to my just rights in England^ I shall see him paid 
the forty thousand pounds sterling which is due to 
him. All which I do promise tp make good upon the 
word of a king *. 


But all these promises, we have seen, were of nci 
signification* Such was the faith, such the gratitude 

pf this prince! ^Nor was the treatment of Charles. 

Stanley, earl of Derby; whose father lost his bead, and 
he his liberty, for the king; much better. The )ast 
earl of Derby, of the Stanley family, has perpetuated 
it by the following inscription, on a building erected 
at Knowsley, his seat in Xiancashir<e. 

" James, earl of Derby, lord of Man and the Isleflip, 
grandson of James, earl of Derby, and of Charlotte^ 
daughter of Claude duke de la Tremouiile, whose hus-r 
band, James, was beheaded at Bolton, xv. Octob. 
MDCLii. ftnr the strenuously adhering to Charles the 
Second, who refused a bill, past unanimously by both 
hoiltes of parliament, for restoring to the family the. 
fstal^ lost by his loyalty to him. mbccxxxti^.'^ 
|iis majesty, however, rewarded the son with the lor4 
Ueii^naDcies of two counties ^ ! 

• Wodrow>8 History of the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland, vol. L 
pb'56. fbl. Edinb. 1721. See also Biographia Britannica, p. 1150.' 
• Kapki's History of England, by Tindal, vol. II. p. 586. in the notSt 
f |[^ti|lQgiM of Roy»l and Noble Authors, voL II. p. 4. 



by weak reasons. After this, we shall not 

Clarendon we have had occasion frequently to quote. 
He was a man of parts^ and industry ; though not very 
fit for a statesman^ by reason of his pride, vanity, 
partiality, and ignorance in public affairs. Attached, 
however, he was to his master, by principle and incli- 
nation; and studious to promote his interest. The 
recommendation of Charles I. whose cause be had 
espoused, and a long exile, had given him conse- 
quence with the young monarch ; to whom his under- 
standing and diligence were, on many occasions, very 
useful, surrounded as he was by visionaries, debau- 
chees, and idlers of various kinds. 

At the Restoration, this man was loaded with honours 
sad favoturs : but he soon lost ground with the king, 
^ho suffered his enemies to persecute him ; and even 
joined with them 30 far as to hurry him out of the 
Jcingdom, and assent to a bill devised for his perpetual 
banishment. If the account his lordship has given of 
this affair, be true; the king must have had a base 
heart indeed. For his lordship informs us, " that his 
majesty sent to the archbishop of Canterbury, that he 
should, in his majesty's name, command all the 
bishops' bench to concur in thanking him for removing 
the chancellor [Clarendon]; that he publickly denied 
what he had declared to the duke of York, and which 
he had given him liberty to report, in his vindication; 
that he discoursed of him differently to differenf 
]^8ons; and, lastly, by deceitful promises, induced hiiici 
to fly, and thereby expose himself, ^-with seeming 
justice, to the penalties which were afterwards inflicted 
pn him V* Whether the chancellor was justly punishe^ 

f CootiikuatioB, vol. IIL p. 641r^8«r7. 


bj parliament, is not here the question. 1 will 

add but one instance more of the ingratitude 4f 
Charles ; but that is such a one as will serve to illoa- 

trate his character very remarkably. It is well 

known that Charles I. was talked of as a martyr, both 
before and after his son's restoration : . as a marty r^ 
therefore, it was naturally to be supposed he would be 
honoured. This, of course, would produce a solemn 
interment; and a superb monument, suitable to the 
great merits and dignity of the person. And, if lord 
Clarendon may be believed, " his majesty had re- 
solved to do it before his coming into England." Why 
it was not done, his lordship has told us a long-winded 
story; the substance of which is, that the body of the 
king's father could not be found at Windsor, where it 
had been interred, because the lords Southampton and 
Jiindaey, who had attended on that occasion, *^ could 
not recollect their memories, nor find any one mark by 
which they could make any judgment near what place 
the kings body lay*." — This was the excuse to save 
appearances ; and cover over disregard and neglect of 
a parent, who, in .his eye, had nothing of the tyrant or 
foe to mankind. For, in fact, it was nothing but an 
excuse; and founded in falsehood too.'-—" It has 
)>een made a question, and a wonder, by many, why 
a particular monument was not erected for Charles I.** 
says Echard, " after the restoration of his son ; especially 
"^rheii the parliament was well inclined to have given d 
good sum tor that grateful purpose. This has caused 
several conjectures, and reflections: and intimations 
haVe b^6 given, as if the royal body had never been 
/deposited there [Windsor]; or, else, had afterwards 


• Clarendon's Continuation, vol. IL p. 192. and history of the Rc- 
JkilioD^ v<d. y. p. ^. 


been removed by the regicides : and the lord Clarett* 
doa himself speaks softly and suspiciously of tbip 
matter, as if he believed that the body could not be 
found. But to remove all imaginations, we shall insert 
amcmorandnm, or certificate, sent by ^Jr. John Sewell, 
a n-gistcrat Windsor Castle: 'Anno I696, September 
twenty-first, the same vault in which king Charles the 
First was buried, was opened, to lay in a still-bom 
child of the then princess of Denmark, now our ' 
gracious queen. On the king's coffin, the velvet pall 
was strong and sound; and there was about the coffin 
a leaden band, with this inscription cut through it. 
King Ciiakles, mdcxlviii. Queen Jane's coffin 
was whole, and entire : but that of king Henry the 
Eighth was sunk in upon the breast part; and the 
lead and wood consumed with the heat of the gums he 
was embalmed with: and when I laid my hand on it, 
it was run together, and hard, and had no noisome 
smell.' ' As a farther memorandum, relating to king 
Charles's interment,' he says, * that when the body 
of king Charles the First lay in state, in the dean's 
hall, the duke of Richmond had the coffin opened, 
and was satisfy'd that It was the king's body. This 
several p("ople have declared they knew to be true, 
who were alive, and then present; as, Mr. Randolph of 
Mew Windsor, and others: so that be thinks the lord 
Clarendon was misled in that matter; and that king 
Charles the Second never sent to enquire after the 
body, since it was well known, bojh to the inhabitants 
of the castle and town, that it was in that vault*." 
That lord Clarendon's tale is mere fiptjon, may be, I 
think, concluded from the hous^ of commons voting, 
^aii. 30, IG77, sixty-eight thousand pounds for th^ 

* History of England, toI. II. p. 049. 




wonder to find him unjust ta such as were 
not in his favour^ ; or even cruel to those 

interment of Charles I. and for erecting him a mona- 

iQeQt. In Grey's Parliamentary Debates^ there are 

sevieral speeches of the courtiers in favour of the resolu- 
tion; — not a word, from any one, that it was difficult 

to find the body*. A bill was brought in, and 

ordered to be read a second time: whether it was 
passed into a law, or not, I cannot certainly say. - 
If not, his majesty must be blamed ; for the house ex-* 

pressed ahigh veneration for the martyr.- Such was 

the gratitude of Charles to his father! Such the rever 
rence and regard to his memory ! The obligations to 
parents are of the highest nature ; ^nd to be ungrateful 
to the^i, is to expose one's self to the l^aired and con- 
tempt of mankind. " Omnes immemorej;ri beneficii 
oderunt: e&mque injuriam in deterrenda Irberalitate 
sibi etiam fieri ; edmque, qui faciat, communem hosteo^ 
tenuiprum put^nt^.'^ 

^ He was unjust to such a^ were not in his favour; 
&c.] Sheffield says, " He was surely inclined to jusr 
tice ; for nothing else would have retained him so fast 
to the succession of a brother, against a son he was so 
fond of, and the humour of a party he so much feared. 
I am willing also to impute to his justice, whatever 
^eems in some measure to contradict the general opi- 
nion of his clemency ; as his suffering always the 
rigour of thjB law tq proceed not only against all high- 
waymen, but also several others, in whose cases the 
lawyers (according to their wonted custom) had used 
sometimes a greaj; deal of hardship and severity','. 

• Journal ; au-d Grey's Debates, rol. V. p. 3?. * Cicerc * Sbof'* 
^id'i Works, woi IL p. 58^ 


who, by their actions, or writings, had 
procure4:^;his displeasure. In respecf^to 

BuiMt hjcmever declares^ " that he seemed to have no 
bowi!& dr tehdieniess in his nature: and in the end of 
his life he became cruel. He was apt to forgive,** 
continues this writer, " all crimes ; even blood itself: 
yet he never forgave any thing that was done against 
himself, after his first and general act of indemnity, 
which was to be reckoned as done rather upon maxims 
of state than inclinations of mercy V* — ^This seems 
very severe; but may, notwithstanding, be much more 
true thiem the character given by the duke of Bucking* 
ham, just above recited. Let facts, however, deter- 
liiine. Harrington, the celebrated writer of the Oceana, 
had been a companion of Chdrles I. in the midst of 
his distresses ; by whom he was esteemed, and regarded. 
He was, however, a republican ; and writ many noble 
J)ieces in that cause, which have conveyed his name 
down with honour to posterity. This man, in December, 
1661, was seized, and committed to the Tower, for 
treasonable designs and practices : and though no proof 
it all was made of it, he lay in close confinement there 
five months, and afterwards, unknown to his friends, 
was suddenly hurried on shipboard, and confined in St. 
Nicholas Island, near Plymouth. This impaired his 
health, and brought on disorders, which rendered the 
remaining part of his life very unhappy. This, surely, 
was injustice: injustice in the king, to whom his case 
had been represented, and from whom even an ex- 
change of prison could not be obtained but on ex-r 
cessive bail *. — Nevill, the author of Plato Redivivus, 

• Burnet, vol. I. p. 612. »» See Toland's Life of Harrington, 

Wood's Athenscj and Biographia Britannicat 



a man of rank and learning, suffered also imprisonmnent^ 
as did Wildman^ and mfmTr others of the party, foi; 
feigned crimes : it being me' mode of the court, at; 
this time, to invent tales, in-order to cover over their, 
malice to such as had been their opponents. Particulars 
will easily be recollected by such as are conversant io; 

our histories. But the case of Sir Henry Vane is ^o. 

very remarkable, and the king himself was so deep ii\, 
the desigii against his life, which was most unjustly, 
taken from him, that I cannot do justice to my subr-. 
ject without enlarging on it. It is well known that 
this gentleman had a principal hand in bringing lord 
Strafford to justice; in resisting the tyranny of CharleS; 
I. and reducing him to a condition in which he was^ 
glad to sue for peace ; and that he even ^vised against 
closing with him in the Isle of Wight. He, however, 
never sat in judgment on the king: he never closed, 
with Cromwell, but suffered imprisoqment from him j 
an^ adhered steadily to the caosq of the parliament, 
which from. Ui,e beginning he had embiaQ^. On these 
accounts^ tlfcfpgh he was excepted^^illof In- 
demnity, ra^ lords and commons joiq^ in a petition, 
to the king, that if he were attainted, yet execution aS; 
to his life might be remitted, as he was not one of the. 
immediate murderers of his father ; against whoip alone, 
his majesty had declared his pleasure to proceed*. 
Oq the petition's being presented, by the lord chancel- 
lor, it was promised to be complied witji by the king \ 
His life was now deeqieii. >af(^« But on a.qew pailiA-. 
ment bqing called, which W&s Wholly devQled. to the 
court, it w^s determined that h^ should, feel the effectSj 
of its resentment. Accordingly the hoi}se of con^-, 

• See JournaU of the House of Commons, Sept. 5, 1660. * Thurloe, 
▼ol. VII. p. 914. 


moos ordered, '' that Sfr Henij Vane, and co). Lam- 
bert, that are wholly excepted and foreprized out of 
the Act of Indemnity, be left to be proceeded against 
according to Jaw : and it is recommended to Mr. At- 
torney General, to take care of the proceedings against 
them *." The order was once or twice more renewed : 
and Sir Henry, in consequence thereof, was brought to 
a trial at the King's Bench, June 2 and 6, 1662. The 
indictment was for high treason, evidenced " by con- 
sulting, with others, to bring the king to destruction^ 
and to hold him out from the exercise of his regal 
authority ; and then, usurping the government, and 
appointing officers of the army raised against the king; 
as also assembling in a warlike manner/' This indict- 
ment, it is evident, was fitted for almost every person 
concerned in the government from the death of the 
late king, whose death is not laid to Sir Henry's 
charge, though it was the alone crime which his pre- 
sent majesty, as we have seen, declared tbat he de- 
sired should be capitally punished. Vane made seve- 
ral exceptions to the indictment; and, aiiiong other 
things, said, " Here is a long time of action for which 
I am charged ; and I may be concerned for what I 
acted as a member in that sovereign court of parlia- 
ment ; and if any thing concerns the jurisdiction of 
that court, I ought not to be judged here^." The 
court and council at this took great offence. How- 
ever, upon his pleading Not guilty, four days were al- 
lowed him to prepare himself for his trial. 

On the day appointed, tbe prisoner was brought to 
the b^; where the attorney general opened the charge, 
ahd witnesses were called in support of it. Sir Henry 

then was required to make his defence : which he did 

» - 

• Journal, July 1, 1661. * SUte Triali, voL IT. p. 4:4. fol, Londi.. 




viih great freedom, spirit, and bravery. Among other 
things, he said, ^* If he should be now called in ques- 
tion for those things which were transacted in that 
parliament, of which he was a member ; he should 
have the comfort and peace of those actions to sup- 
port him in bis greatest sufferingSi" He added^ 
'* That if he were excepted [from pardon], then must 
be be judged for the crime of the whole nation: ami 
that crime must be ravelled into through himy AJI 
the case is such as never yet fell out; to wit, that die* 
govenmient being entrusted to three estates, they 
shotild SO fall out among themselves, as the people 
cannot tell which to obey: that where these great 
changes fall out, it is not possible for any man to pro- 
ceed according to all formalities of law : that there 
was a political power, by the act of 17 Caroli, co-oidi»- 
nate with the king; and where these powers are not. 
in conjunction, but in enmity to each other, no court, 
inferior to the parliament, by whose authority these 
things were acted, ought to be judges of this case, 

which certainly never happened before. He, more* 

over, offered these points to be considered, and pray'd 

earnestly to have council assigned him to speak to 

^* 1. Whether the collective body of the parliament 

can be impeaclied of high treason i 

" 2t^Whether any person, acting by authority of par- 

liameii^ can (so long as he acted by that authority) 

eemmit treason ? 
** 3. Whether matters, acted by that authority, can 

be.called in question in an inferior court? 

"4. Whether a king dejure, and out of possession, 

can haVfe IM^pn committed against him, he not being 

king defaieid, and in actual possession ?' 

It may very easily be supposed, that all these quea- 


'^'nr^ '"f^ uiiirr'^ff^'^*'' >-«>"'^^fevi^*^-^'<' >> _iy 



tions were determined by crown law; and that the 
{prisoner, notwithstanding all he could say, was found 
guilty of high treason. On this, his majesty was de-. 
termined, notwithstanding his promise, to avail him- 
self of the va'dict: as appears by the following copy 
of an original letter, written from " Hamton Court, 
Saturday, two in the aftemoone. 
. *<'The relation that hath been made to me of Sir H* 
Ifitti^t carriage yesterday, in the Hall, is the occasion 
ofikihii letter; Which, if I am rightly informed, was so 
insolent as to justify all he had done, acknowledging 
no supreame power in England but a pari, and many 
things to that purpose. You have had a true account 
of all ; and if he has given new occasion to be hanged, 
certaynly he is too dangerous a man to lett live, if we 
Ota. honestly put him out of the way. Thinke of this, 
and give me some accounte of it tomorrow : till when 
I have no more to say to you*.'* 
** To the chancellour.'' 
Thisletter, it is apparent, was written June 7, 1662 7 
and that day se'nnight Sir Henry Vane was beheaded 
on Tower4iiH : where he behaved in a manner worthy 
of himself, and the cause of liberty in which he had 

embarked. The king's letter needs no comment. 

Lord Clarendon has not taken notice of any part of 
this affair. Lambert, at the same time, was con- 
demned; but reprieved and afterwards banished for 
life. And, it is very probable, Hasilrig would have 
paid dearly for his past transactions, had not death 
seized on him in the Tower : for, afieer his death, his 
transactions were reported to the house of commons ; 
and it was resolved, nem, con. that Sir A, Hasilrig was 
guilty of high treason ; and that all his estate, real and 

* lathe poflseisioa of J^mes West, of Covent Garckn, Esq. 



p^r3(mtal> be eonfiscate and forfeited for the sAid trea- 
son : though an address was, at the same time, resolved 
to be made to his majesty, by petition, to restore 
his estate, in pursuance of the duke of Albemarle^ft 
[Moncke's] engagement*/* 

The imprisonment of these three men, eveii before 
it was certainly known what their fate would be, made 
Algernon Sidney determine to tarry abroad, contrary 
to the first advice of his friends. ** I have ever had in 
my mind,'' says that upright and virtuous man, " that 
when God shall cast me in such a condition, as that I 
cannot save my life but by doing an indecent thing ; fao 
shews me the time is come wherein T should resign it. 
And when I cannot live in niy own couutry, but by 
such means as are worse than dying in it : I think he 
shew^^feie, I ought to keep myself out of it. Left thj^ioL 
pleasie thepiselves with making the king glorioud^ wh<y 
think a whole people may justly be sacrificed, f<Jr tJie 
interest and pleasure of one m&n and a few of Ws fol- 
lowers : let them rejoice in their subtil ty, whd, by be-^ 
traying the former powers, have gain'd the^vour of 
this, not only prefer v'd, but advanced themselves in 
these dangerous changes. Nevertheless (perhaps) the^ 
tnay find the kings giory is their shame ; his pleilf^ 
the people's misery : arid that the gaining of an ofHcil| 
or a little money, is a poor reward for destroying ^ 
iiation ! (which if it were preserved in liberty and vir- 
tue, would truly be.the most glorious in the world) and 
th^t others maySjH^ they have, with much pains, pur- 
chased their own shame and misery ; a dear price paid 
for that which is not worth keeping, nor the life that 
is accompanied with it. The honour of English parlia- 
inerits has ever been in iii|^(Si}ig the nation gh>rious ax^ 

/ VOL.V. D 



happy; not ia selling and destroying the interest of it, 
to satisfy the lusts of one man. Miserable natioii! 
that, from so great a height of glory, is fallen into the 
most despicable condition in the world, of having all 
its good depending upon the breath and will of the 
vilest persons in it! cheated "tad sold by them they 

trusted ! Infamous traffick ! equal ahnost in guilt to 

that of Judas! In all preceding ages, parliaments have 
been the pillars of our liberty, the sure defenders of 
the oppressed. They, who formerly could bridle kings, 
and keep the ballance equal between them and the 
people, are now become the instruments of all our op- 
pressions, and a sword in his hand to destroy us. 
They themselves led by a few interested persons, who 
are willing to buy offices by themselves, by the misery 
of die whole nation, and the blood of the most worthy 
and^^emizint persons in it. Detestable bribes ! worse 
^txfoi t^ oaths now in fashion in this mercenary court! 
I mem to-o^e neither my life nor Tiberty to any such 
means^t when the innocence of my actions will not pro- 
tect m^J^will stay away till the storm be overpassed. 
In shonT'Vi^h^i'^ Vane, Lambert, and Hasikigg, cannot 
live in safety ; L cannot live at all. If I had been in 
£iiagland, I should have expected a lodging with them : 
or, tho' they may be the first, as being more eminent 
than I, I must expect to follow their example in suffer- 
ing, as I have been their companion in acting. I am 
most in amaze at the mistaken informations that were 
sent me by my friends, full of expec^ions of favours, 
and employments. Who can think that they, who 
imprison them, would employ me ; or suffer me to live, 
when they are put to death ? If I might live, and be 
employed ; can it be expectaJ, that I should serve a 
government that seeks,M|4l detestable ways of esta- 
blishing itself? Ah! no; I ^Te not learnt to make 



his morals, he was oflie of the most perfect 

my own peace, by persecuting and betraying my 
brcfthren, more innocent and wortby than myself. I 
must live by just means, and serve to just ends, or 
not at all, after such a manifestation of the ways by 
which it is intended the king shall govern. I should 
liave renounced any place of favour, into which tbe 
kindness and industry of my friends n^ight have ad- 
Tanced me, when I found those that were better than 
I were only fit to be destroyed. I had formerly some 
jealousies : the fraudulent proclamation for indemnity 
increased th^m; the imprisonment of those three men, 
and turning out all the officers of the army, contrary 
to promise, confirmed me in my resolutions not to 
return *." 

What noble sentiments are here ! All antiquity can- 
not produce a finer than the letter in which they are 
C€fhtained : nor do the names of Brutus, or Timoleon, 
^o more honour to ancient Greece and Rome, than 
smon Sidney's to England. We shall, hereafter, 
jjm act with equal dignity in the last scene of life; 
the iqjnstice of the prince towards Jiim, which is 
hete feared, was made conspicuous to all **. 

'* Hail those old patriots ; on whose tongue 
Perswasion in the senate hung. 
Whilst they this sacred cause maintained! 
Hail those old chiefs, to honor trained ; 
Who spread, when other methods feiPd, 
War*s bloody banner,, and prevaiPd ! 
Shall men like these, unmention'd, sleep 
Promiscuous with the common heap. 
And (GratHude forbid the crime !) 
Be camed d^wn the stream oi time 

* B'rowa^s Letters, voL I. p. 62. Svo. Lond. 1*705. ^ Se« note S3. 





profligates ^ to be met with in history ; his 

Ib shods, unnoticM and forget. 

On Lethe's stream, like flags, to rot ? 

No ! they shall live: and each fair name 

Recorded in the book of fame. 
Founded on honor's basis, fast 
As the round earth to ages last." tHvaciuu 

• He was most profligate in point of morals.] Many 
princes have practised gallantry ; many kings lived ia 
adultery : but, for the most part, they have had some 
regard to decency ; some reverence for their charac- 
ters. ^But Charles kept no measures : he spoke, and 

did, those things which are hardly to be mentioned 
without blushing. Those who will see them revealed, 
need only read, Butler's Court Burlesqued, Rochester's 
and Marvel's Satires, and some other poets of the age. 
Writers of this kind are generally, indeed, supposed to 
heighten ; but, I believe, if we attend to facts, we sb^ 
Sud them to liave exceeded but little on the occasion. 
■-. - ^ ^ He was apter to make broad allusions upon a{^ 
thing that gave the least occasion, than was altog;^t&|^ 
suitable with the very good breeding," says lord HaQ^ 
fax, " he shewed in most other things. Tte company 
he kept, whilst abroad, had so used him to that sort of 
dialect ; that he was so far from thinking it a fault, or 
indecency, that he made it a matter of rallery upon 
those who could not prevail upon themselves to join in 
it. As a man who hath a good stomach loveth, gene- 
rally, to talk of meat; so, in the vigour of his age, he 
began that style, which, by degrees, grew so natural to 
him, that, after he cease^ to do it out of pleasure, he 
continued to do it out of custom. The hypocrisy of 
the former times inclined men to think they could not 
shftw too gieat an avaacsion to it \ and that helped to 


adulteries being open, abandoned, and ao 

encourage this unbounded liberty of talking without 
the restraints of decency which were before obserred. 
In his more familiar conversations with the ladies, even 
they must be passive if they would not enter into it. 
How far sounds, as well «§• •bjects, may have theur 
effects to raise inclination, might be an argument to 
him to use that style ; or whether using liberty, at it9 
full stretch, was not the general inducement without 
any particular motives to it*."— Nor are we to won- 
der at all at this: since, according to the duke of 
Ormonde, " his majesty spent most of his time with 
con£ulent young men, who abhorred all discourse that 
was serious, and in the liberty they assumed in drollery 
and raillery, preserved no reverence towards God or 
man ; but laughed at all sober men, and eyen at reli- 
gion itself V-— — Nothing, indeed, if we believe Cla- 
rendon, could be more abandoned than the companions 

of this king. Mr. May (of the privy purse), 

speaking of the fire of London, hardly then extinguish^ 
ed, ^^ presumed to assure the king, that this was the 
greatest blessing God had ever conferred upon him, 
his restoration only^excepted : for the waHs and gates 
being now burned and thrown down of tiiat rebellions 
city, which was always an enemy to the crown, his 
majesty would never suffer them to repair and build 
them up again, to be a bit in his mouth, and a bridle 
upon his neck : but would keep all open, that his troo{|^ 
might enter upon them whenever he thought necessaiy 
for his service ; there being no other way to govern the 
rude multitude, but by force ^."— — What a vile 

* Chaiacter of K. Charles II. p. 30. » eiarendon's ContinuaUoB^ 

Tol.XLip$5. « W. vol. HI. p. $75. * 

■ iiirt^M.^ - ^..^v ^>,^-:t.-A<*..V.^^^^.;. V: 


companied with cruelties to his queen, 

miscreant ! But to proceed. The duke of Buck- 
ingham observes, " that, in his pleasures, he was rather 
abandoned than luxurious ; and, like our female liber- 
tines, apter to be debauched for the satisfaction of 
others; than to seek^'wiih choice, where most to 
please himself. I am of opinion also, that, in his lat- 
ter times, there was as much of laziness as of love, in 
all those hours he passed among his mistresses : who, 
. after all, served only to fill up his seraglio; while a 
bewitching kind of pleasure, called sauntering, and 
talking without any constraint, was the true sultana 
queen he delighted inV — Burnet is of opinion, 
*' that the ruin of his reign, and of all his affairs, was 
occasioned, chiefly, by his delivering himself up, at 
his first coming over, to a mad range of pleasure. One 
of the race of the Villars,'* adds he, " then married 
to Palmer, soon after made earl of Castlemain, who 
afterwards being separated from him, was advanced to 
be duchess of Cleveland, was his first and longest mis- 
tress, by whom he had five children. She was a wo- 
man of gttA beauty, but most enormously vitious and 
ravenous; foolish, but imperious ;» very uneasy to the 
king; and always carrying on intrigues with other 
men, while yet she pretended she was jealous of him. 
'His passion for her, and her strange behaviour towards 
him, did so disorder him, that often he was not master 
of himiself, nor capable of minding business V In 
another place, the same writer says, " He delivered 
himself up to a most enormous course of vice, with- 
out any sort of restraint, even from the consideration 
of the nearest relations. The most studied extrava- 

* Buck'mgham's VTorks, vol. 11. p. 57. ^ Burnet, to], I. p. 94. 

CHARLES 11. 39 

which few men, but himself, would have 

gancies that way seemed, to the very last, to be much 

delighted in and pursued by him*/' But enough 

of these general characters. Let us now proceed to 
facts. — Charles, we have seen, whilst abroad, enter- 
tained a commerce with the sex. On his restoration, 
Mrs. Palmer became his mistress : but being married 
to Catherine of Portugal, May 21, 1662, it was 
naturally expected that he would break with the mis- 
tress, or, at least, keep his acquaintance with her as 
private as possible. But marriage made no alteration 
in him. So far was he from making a secret of hig 
adultery, that he brought his lady under the queen's 
^ose, and insisted on her being appointed of the bed- 
chamber. Some persons, it seems, remonstrated to 
him on the subject : but the effect it had will be seen 
from the following copy of an original letter, whldh is 
known to be genuine by some of the most respectable 
personages in England. It was written to lord Clairen- 
don from Hampton Court, Thursday morning (with« 
out the day of the month, or date of the year), in iJiese 
terms : 

" ' I forgott, when you weare here last, to desire yoa 
give Brodericke good councell not to meddle any more 
with what c<Micernes my lady CasUemaine^ and to let 
him biife a care bow he is the author of any scandalous 
reports ; for if I find him guilty of any such thing, I 
-;■ will make him repent it to the last moment of his life. 
And BOW I am entered on this matter^ I think it very 
necessary to give you a little good councell in it, feasU 
you may tb&^- that, by making a farther stirr in th6 
buflinesse, ySa may divert me from my resolution; 

• Burnet, vol. I. p. 612. 


Illl I II ^ ■ P -^^-^""^ .lM.^:i^y. ^ -. ■ -, -.. 


had the heart to have practised towards the 

which all the world shall never do : and I wish I may 
te unhappy in this world, and in the world to come, 
if I faile in the least degree of what I have resolved; 
which is, of making my lady Castlemaine of my wive$ 
bedchamber: and whosoever I find use any endeavours 
to hinder this resolution of mine (except it be only to 
myself), I will be his enemy to the last moment of my 
life. You know how true a fiiende I have been to you : 
if you will oblige me etemaUy, make this businesse 03 
easy to me as you can, of what opinion soever you are 
of; for I am resolved to go through this matter let 
what will come on it, which again I solemnly swear> 
"before Almighty God : therefore^ if you desire to have 
the continuance of my friendship, meddle no more 
with this businesse, excepte it be to beate downe all 
false and scandalous reports, and to facilitate what I 
^m sure my honor is so much concerned in ; and whoso- 
ever I finde to be my lady Castlemaines enemy in this 
matter, I do promise, upon my word, to be his enemy 
as long as I live. You may shew this letter to my 
lord lieutenant*; and if you have both a mind to 
oblige me, carry yourselves hke friends in this matter. 

" CHARLES r/' 

This letter had it8 effect on the lord chancellor : for 
it appears, by his own account, that, instead of throw- 
ing up bis post like a man of honour and virtue, an4 
bidding an everlasting adieu to the court of so infamous 
a master; instead of doing this, he took on himself 
tl^ mean and wicked office of attempting to persuade 
her majesty to comply with the king's molution with 

* Ormonde, appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland, Nor. 4, 1661. 


lowest of the 9ex ; i^d which, had he been 


t^peot to his mistress** The queen, with a HlfiS||^v 
which doe^ honour to her character, in several qonfbi^ 
encesi absolutely refused : and it was not till after r»* 
Q^iving the most shocking treatment from his majesty, 
that she would yonchsafe to have any intercourse with 
her. Afterw^ards the lady, for some yeais, was all- 
powerful. — But his majesty was far from confining 
hiiaself to a single mistress ; or making a scruple of 
having it known, that he entertained familiarity with 
f)any. In the latter end of his days, in a progress to 
"firinchester^ he took Nell Gwin with him; and Dr. 
Ken's house, which he held in right of his prebend, 
was marked for her use: but the doctor, to his honour, 
if^used her admittance, and she was forced to seek 

Wier lodgings*. The king, indeed, was ashamed 

of nothing: nor did he care what foreign nations, or 
^ own people, might think or say of him. This is 
e?idrat from the grant of Lewis XIV. of France, to 
the duchess of Portsmouth, of the duchy of Aubigny ; 
in which it is recited, " that he, in regard to the king 
of Great Britain, had, by his letters patent, granted to 
the lady Lovise Ren6e de Penencourt de Keroualle^ 
duchess of Portsmiouth, the said territory of Aubigny, 
with all right to the same belonging, for her life; 
remainder to such of the natural children as she shall 
have by the king of Great Britain, in tail male, by 
the said king to be. named ; remainder to the crown 
of France. And whereas the said king of Great Britain 
had appointed prince Charles Lennox, duke of Rich* 
mond, his' natural son, master of the horse, and knight 

* Clarendon's Continuation, toL II. p« 329—39. ^ Ken's Life, 

by Hawkins, p. 9. Syo. Lond. 1713. 

• V 


indeed possessed of that great good-natur© 

of the garter, to succeed the said duchess of Ports- 
mouth in the said inheritance; he, the said kiqg of 
France, being willing to annex to the said inheritance 
a proper title, and such as should be agreeable to the 
illustrious birth of the said duke of Richmond ; and, 
at the same time, to confer honor on the said duchess 
of Portsmouth — erects the said town, 8cc. into a dutchy 

and peerdom of France*." Madame de Sevigae, 

in one of her letters, speaking of this lady, sayg^ 

" Mademoiselle de K has not been disappointed 

in any thing she proposed. She desired to be mistrew 
to the king [of England], and she is so: he lodges 
with her almost every night in the face of all the court: 
she has had a son, who has been acknowledged, and 
presented with two dutchies. She amasses treasure; 
and makes herself feared and respected by as many as 
she can. But sjie did not foresee that she should find 
a young actress in her way, whom the king doats oil; 
and she has it not in her power to withdraw him from 
her. He divides his care, his time, and his healthy 
between these two. The actress is as haughty as 
Mademoiselle: she insults her, she makes grimaces at 
her, she attacks her, she frequently steals the king from 
her, and boasts whenever he gives her the preference. 
•She is young, indiscreet, confident, wild, and of an 
agreeable humour. She sings, she dances, she acts her 
part with a good grace. She has a son by the king^ 
and hopes to have him acknowledged. As to Made- 
moiselle, she reasons thus : ' This duchess/ says she, 
* pretends to be a person of quality : she says, she is 
related to the best families in France : whenever any 

* Collinses Peerage, toI. L p. 304. last ediU 


for which he has been offccii celebrated, 

person of distinction dies^ she puts herself in mourning. 
If she be a lady of such quality, why ttoe* jhe 4l|j^epi 
herself to be a courtesan ? She ou£4it to 'iffiSSVlrith 
shame. As for me^ it is my profession : I tlo-iMBiiU|ire- 
tend to any thing better. The king entertattfs ipe; 
and I am constant to him at present. He has a son by 
me: I pretend that he ought to acknowledge him; 
and I am well assured he will, for he loves me a$ well 
as Mademoiselle.' This creature gets the uppen-haad, 
and discountenances and embarrasses the dudiessrex- 
treamly*.'* — What a figure must such a prince make 
in every discerning eye! Sir William Throckmorton, 
in a letter to Coleman, speaks of "/ the debauchery of 
the kings house, which," adds he, " has made it so 
odious to all the nation and the world ^" He was not, 
howeyer, to be reclaimed. In his last sickness, *' the 
duchess of Portsmouth sat in bed, taking care of him 
as a wife of a husband ; and, with his dying words, 
recommended her over and over again to his brother. 
He said, he had always loved her, and he loved her 
now to the last; and besought the duke, in as melting 
words as he could fetch out, to be very kind to her 
and to her son. He recommended his other children 
to him: and concluded, Let not poor Nelly starve. 
This was Mrs. Gwin%" [the actress abovementioned]. 

Besides these, Charles had other mistresses. Ma- 

chiavel observes, " that nothing makes a prince more 
odious, than usurping the properties, and debauching 
the wives of his subjects**.** On this his antagonist 
i^arks, " that a selfish, unjust, violent, and cruel 

' Letter XCII. * Coleman's Letters, p. 76. * Burnet, toI. J. 

p. 607, 609. * Prince, ch. xxix. 

— -.j^f-. >j-..^„y, .■■>■■.• ■■ y. .::■.: >:•..■. : 


he could nqtrnpQssibly have been guilty 

prince, Gwmot fail to be hated by his subjects ; but \\t 
i^ngleJQ with ^nespect to gallantry. Julius Caesar,'^ 
Qoofil^' the illufltrious writer, ^^ whom they styled al 
JlQIIj^^ike bpab^d of all their wives, and the wife of 
all thjrijr busbands: i>ewi8 XIV. who was a great lovev 
of woiaea : the late Augustus, king of Poland, who 
enjoyed them in common with his subjects : none of 
thesQjiriDc^s were hated on account of their amours, 
And if CflBsar was assassinated ; if Rome, for its liberty, 
pluiiged so many daggers in his breast; it was because 
Caesar was an usurper, not because he was a man of 
gallantry. It may be objected, perhaps, in favour of 
pur author, that the kings of Rome were expelled for 
the attempt upon the modesty of Lucretia. I answer, 
it was not the love which young Tarquin made to Lu- 
cretia, but the violent manner in which he made it, 
that raised the insurrection at Rome : and as this out* 
rage revived in the memory of the people the other 
violences committed by the Tarquins, they took that 
opportunity of avenging themselves, and vindicating 
their liberty. After all, the adventure of Lucretia is, 
perhaps, a meer romance. I am far from saying tbia 
by way of excuse for the gallantry of princes, which 
may be morally bad : I only touch upon it, to shcMT 
that f gallantry does not make a prince odious. The 
amours of a good king are always deemed a pardonable 
weakness, if they are not attended with injustice and 
violence. Make love like Lewis XIV. or Charles II. 
ki^g of England; or Augustus, king of Poland; and 
you will be respected and caressed : but beware of imi* 
tating the amours of a Nero or a David V ^ 

* Anti-Macbiavel, {i. 209. 


of'.— '—I shall only add, that, with re- 

Whether the sentiments <^:]feltchiaTel, ot his tefatex> 
on this subject, are most ''agreeable to morality ot 
policy ; the reader will determine. I shall only observe^ 
that adultery is always attended with injustice. 

' Had he been possessed of good-nature, he could 
not have been guilty of.] Charles is spoken of, in ge* 
neral, ** as familiar, easy, and good-natured*:" aft 
" pleasant aftd easy in company ; where he bore hiti 
part, and was acceptable even to those who had no 
other design than to be merry with him V* This is his 
common character. But the late lord Orrery has ob* 
ierved, ^' that our Historians have represented him as a 
good-natured man ; ignorantly, or rather wilfully, mi*» 
taking good-humour and affability for tenderness and 
good-nature: neither of which last,'' adds he, " are to 
be reckoned amongst this monarch's virtues **." — Good* 
humour and affability are, undoubtedij, very different 
from tenderness and good-nature. Hie fiirm^ are cul- 
tivated by jii^^ who are fond of lioi ; liichigh they 
will not risi »'moment*s trouble to serve, or save, theit 
most favourite companions : the latter, by such who 
retain the feelings of humanity; and are awake t6 th^ 
calls of honour, virtue, and friendship.«^*-Abroad, men 
appear disguised, for selfish purposes : in private and 
domestic life, nature exerts herself, and the real cha- 
racters are displayed. If men, in their cool moments> 
can deliberately do very hafd and cruel thingll; good- 
nature cannot possibly be ascribed to them/'^'^i-^Wh^ 
ther Charles was capable of this> let the reader judge 
from the following narratives. ^^' The revenue be^ 

• Sheffield, vol. II. p. 59. * Halifax, p. 32. « Preface to 

Orrery's State Papcis, fol. 1742. 


spect to religion, though on all occasions he 

longing to the order of die Garter was usually re^ 
ceivedy'^ says Dr. Pop^ *^bythe chancellor; and he 
paid the officers, and the poor knights of Windsor; 
the surplus the king had formerly granted to Sir Henry 
de Vic; and it was qnietly possessed by him tilT he 
died; out of which he was to defray the charges and 
fees of admission of foreign princes, and noblonen, 
who were elected into that order. For this also the 
bishop of Salisbury [Ward] had the kings hand; 
which grant had been firm, and irrevocable, had the 
bishop sealed it with the seal of the order, which he 
kept in his possession ; or caused it to pass the usual 
offices, which had been easy for him to have done then^ 
being in much favour at court. But he made use of 
neither of these corroborations, and afterwards smarted 
for it sufficienltly. In the last year of the reign of 
Charles IL and the first of the precipitate decay of the 
Bishop of Salisbury's intellectuals, some sagacious 
courtier found out a flaw in this grant ; v^hereupon the 
bishop was sent for up to London, and obliged to re- 
fund the utmost penny, which, in so many years, 
amounted to a considerable sum; all which his ma- 
jesty took, without any scruple or remorse*.*' — We 
have, in the last note, seen how intent his majesty was 
on making lady Castlemain of the queen's bed-cham- 
ber : we have observed that the queen, with spirit re- 
jected the proposal : it remains now to show how his 
majesty^tfieated her, for a. refusal which every good 
man must necessarily commend. Lord Clarendon shall 
be the relator; as he cannot be supposed to be preju- 
diced against his master. " The king," says his 

* Life of Bish. Ward, p. 92, 8vo. LoncU 1697^ 


professed Himself a protestant of the chin-ch 

lordship^ " came seldom into the queen's company : and 
when he did^he spake not to hg:; but spent his time 
in. other divanisements, and in the company of those 
who made it their business to laugh at all the worlds 
and who were as bold with God Almighty as with any 
of his creatures. He persevered in all his rrimtijiyiH 
witl^out any remorse : directed a day for all the iPjortu- 
gueses to be embarked^ without assigning any cdnsi- 
ilcJi)fle thing of bounty to any of them^ or vouchsafing 
tfM^jnite any letter to the king or queen of Portugal of 
the cause of the dismission of them. And this rigour 
prevailed upon the great heart of the queen, who had 
not received any money to enable her to be liberal to any 
of those who had attended her out of their own coiipi- 
tryi «Aid promised themselves places of great advantage 
i^' Ji^ family. And she earnestly desired the king, 
^^Nisat she might retain some of those who were known 
' to her, and of most use, that she might not be wholly 
left in the hands of strangers ; and employed others to 
make the same suit to the king on her b^alf. Where- 
upon the countess of Penalva, who had beiea bred with t 

her from a child, and who, by the infinnity of her eyes, 
and other indisposition of health, scarce stirred out of 
h^V chamber, was permitted to remain in the court ; 
aifft gome few inferior servants in the kitchen and low- 
' est offices, besides those who were necessary to her de- 
' Toiions, were left behind. All the rest were trans- 
ported to Poridgal. The officers of the revenue were 
reqniied to use all strictness in the receipt of that part 
. of the' TOrtion that was brought over with the fleet ; 
and HiM to' allow any of those demands which were 
made- u|ioil the computation of the value of mo- 
uey, and otlier allowances upon the account: and 



48 TttE Lif E OF 

of England, as by law established; yet, it 

tMego de Silta, who was design^ in Portugal,' wjthout 
dny good reason, to he the queen's tnfeasurer, and, upott 
that expectation, hiid undertaken that troublesome 
proTifice to see the money paid in London by -what wad 
assign^ to that purpose, was committed to prison for 
ciYig haste enough in the payment, and ill 
the a(^.couilt : and his commitment went very 
n^aTftie queen, as an affront done to herself. . The 
Portugal atnbassador, who was a very honest *ttan, 
and so desirous to serve the king that he had upoli tfhiS 
matter lost the queen, was h6art-broken ; and ^fter d 
long sickness, which all men believed \totild fiatve 
killed him, as soon as he was able to endure the air, 
Idft Hampton Court, and retired to his oWu house iii 
th* 'ieity. In all this time the king pursued his {ii$int; 
the lady came to the ceurt, was lodged there, wa^. 
everyday in the queen's presence, and the king iiicdli« ^ 
tinual conference with her"; whilst the queen sat nfi^ik 
taken notice .of : and if her majesty rose at the indig'^ 
iiity, and %^!fiMd ihto her chamber, it may be one ot 
two attendedlier; but all the company remained in the 
Voom she left, and too often said those things tlouA 
which nobody ought to have whispered. TTie king 
(who had, in the beginning 'of this conflict, appeared 
itill with a countenance of trouble and sadness, Which 

^ How expensive the lady was to his majesty, we may learn from Mr* 
Marvel. — — " They have signed and sealed," wfp he, " ten thousand 
pounds a year more to the duchess of Cleveland ; wlio has likewise neai* 
ten thousand pounds a year out df the new farm of the cotmtry cfxcise of 
bder and ale ; five thousand pbmids a year out of the poBft^kflM'i tfhA, thejr 
say, the reversion of all the king's leiaseii, the reversion of «tt P^9<b >n the 
custom-house, the greea-wax, and, indeed, what not ? All |^motioDi. 
spiritual and temporal, pats under her cognizance.** -^woflk, vol. XL 
p. 71* 



is highly probable, he lived for. a great 

had been manifest to every body, and no doubt was 
really afflicted, and sometimes wished that he had not 
proceeded so fsut, until he was again new chafed with 
the reproach of being governed, which he received 
with the most sensible indignation, and was commonly 
provoked with it most by those who intended most 
to govern bim) had now vanquished, or suppressed, 
all those tendernesses and reluctances, and appeared 
every day more gay and pleasant, without any clouds 
in his face, and full of good-humour; saving, that 
the close observers thought it more feigned and affect- 
ed, than of a natural growth. However^ to the queen 
it appeared very real ; and made her the more sensible, 
that she, alone, was left out of all jollities, and not 
"afOSi^Bted to have any part of those pleasant applications 
and- caresses, which she saw made to almost -every 
body else; an universal mirth in all company but in 
hers, and in all places but in her chamber; her own 
servants shewing more respect and more diligence to 
^e person of thelady, than towards their own mistress, 
who they found could do them less good. The nightly 
meeting continued with the same or. more license; 
and the discourses which passed there, of what argu- 
ment soever, were the discourse of the whole court 
and of the town the day following : whilst the queen 
had the king's company those few hours which re- 
mained of the preceding night, and whidi were too 
little for sleep^ All these mortifications were too heavy 
to be borne: so that, at last, when it was least ex- 
pected or suspected, the queen, on a sudden, let her- 
-self fall first to conversation and then to familiarity^ 
and, even in the same instant, to a confidence with 
the lady: was mefty with her in publick, talked 



number of 3'eaWj as he certainly died a 

kindly of her, and in private nobody usied more friend- 
ly. This excess of condescension, without any provoca- 
tion or invitation, except by mnlti plication of injuries 
and neglect, and after all frieodsbips were renewed, 
and indulgence yielded to n^w liberty, did the queen 
less good than her former resoluteness had done. Very 
many looked upon her witli much compassion; com- 
mended the greatness of her spirit, detested the bar- 
barity of the affronts she underwent, and censured 
them as loudly as they durst; not without assuming 
the liberty, sometimes, of insinuating to the king 
himself, how much his own honour suffered in the 
neglect and disrespect of her own servants, who ought, 
at least in publick, to manifest some duty and reve^ 
rence towards her majesty ; and how much he 1<M ili 
die general affections of his subjects : and that, besides 
the displeasure of God Almighty, he could not reason- 
ably hope for children by the queen, which was the 
great if not the only blessing of which he stood in need, 
whilst her heart was so full of grief, and whilst she 
was continually exercised with such insupportable 
alHiciions. And many, who were not wholly uncon-' 
versant with the king, nor strangers to his temper and 
constitution, did believe that he grew weary of the 
struggle, and even ready to avoid the scandal that was 
so notorious, by the lady's withdrawing from the verge 
of the court, and being no longer seen there, how firmly 
soever the friendship might be established. But thi« 
sudden downfall, and total abandoning her own great- 
ness; this low demeanour, and even application to a 
person she had justly abhorred and worthily contemn- 
ed, made all men conclude, that it was a hard matter 
to know her, and, consequently, to serve her. Anil 



the feing liimself was so far from being reconciled by 
it, that the esteem, which he could not hitherto but 
retain in his heart for her, grew now much less. He 
concluded, that all her former aversion, expressed in 
those livdy passions, which seemed not capable of dis* 
simulatioa^ was all fiction, and puiely acted to the life, 
by a Bature crafty, perverse, and inconstant. He con- 
gratulated his own ill-natured perseverance ; by which 
he had discovered how he was to behave himself here- 
after, and what remedies he was to apply to all future 
indispositions : nor had he, ever after, the same value 
of her wit, judgment, and understanding, which he 
had formerly; and was well enough pleased to ob- 
serve, that the reverence others had for all three was 
somewhat diminished*-"— No remarks need be made 
on this narrative. Every humane man must feel an 
indignation arise in his breast against the actor of 
such barbarities. What — were the feeding of ducks, 
the humming of a song at a public entertainment, os 
mijKVig in the humours of the cpmpany, to counter- 
s', such vile behaviour? We may, therefore, 

■'^ilj believe Burnet, when he tells us, that the 
i on hia death-bed, "said nothing of the queen; 
nor any one word of his people, or of his servants \" 
Jlis miud was incapable of sentiments of humanity. 
A selfist he was; whose thoughts terminated in him- 
selfy and who regarded none who were not subservient 
to bis pleasures. Such characters are not uncommon 

in life ; in the higlier parts of it as, in conformity 

to custom, they must be called: but they are cha- 
racters which will be despised, and execrated, as long 
as there is sense, or virtue, remaining in the world. 

' Clarendon's Continuation, vol. II. p. 339-'S43. * Burnet, vol. L 

p. 009. 

E 2 


papist*. This, as it was a matter of great 

• He probably lived, as it is certain he died, a 
papist.] There had been suspicions of the king's being 
a papist, even before bis restoration : and these had 
been increased by the favour shewn to many of the 
catholic persuasion, after his return. But his majesty 
always professed himself a zealous protestant, and a 
foe to the Romish church. In his letter to the Con- 
vention parliament, from Breda, he talks much of bis 

zeal and concern for the protestant faith. ^ If 

you desire," says hje, " the advancement and propaga* 
tion of the protestant religion; we have, by our con- 
stant profession, and practice of it, given sufficient 
testimony to the world, that neither the unkindness of 
those of the same faith towards us, nor the civilities 
and obligations from those of a contrary profession 
(of both which we have had abundant evidence), 
could in the least degree startle us, or make us swerve 
from it; and nothing can be proposed to manifest, 
zeal and affection for it, to which we will not 
consent : and we hope, in due time, ourself to f 
somewhat to you for the propagation of it, thi 
satisfy the world, that we have always made it both 
our care, and our study, and have enough observed 
what is most like to bring disadvantage to it." Thus 
also, in a message sent by him to the house of lords, 
to be imparted to the house of commons, Ap. 2, 1663, 
his majesty '^ declares, and assures both his houses of 
parliament, and all his loving subjects of all his do- 
minions, that as his affection and zeal for the protest- 
ant religion hath not been concealed or untaken notice 
of in the world; so he is not, nor will ever be, so sol- 
licitous for the settling his own revenue, or providing 
any other expedients for the peace and tranquillity of 


feiumph to tlie Roman catholics, so was it 

the kingdom, as for the advancement and improve- 
ment of the religion established^ and for the using and 
applying all proper and effectual remedies to hinder 

the growth of popery*." And in his speech to the 

parliament, March 6, 1678, O. S. he says, *' I will 
with my life defend both the protestant religion and 

the laws of this kingdom/' But notwithstanding 

these public professions, it is probable he was a papist 
in his heart. For Burnet affirms, ^^ that before king 
Charles left Paris, he changed his religion ; but by 
whose perswasion is not yet known : only cardinal de 
Retz was on the secret, and lord Aubigny had a great 
hand in it. It was kept a great secret. Chancellor 
Hyde had some suspicions of it, but would never 
suffer himself to believe it quite. Soon after the 
Restoration, that cardinal came over in disguise, and 
had an audience of the king: what passed is not 
known. The first ground I had to believe it was this : 
the marquis de Roucy, who was the man of the 
greatest family in France that continued protestant 
to . the last, was much pressed by . that cardinal to 
change his religion. He was his kinsman, and his 
particular friend. Among other reasons, one that he 
urged was, that the protestant religion must certainly 
be ruined ; and that they could expect no protection 
from England: for, to his certain knowledge, both the 
princes were already changed. Roucy told this in 
great confidence to his minister ; who, after his death, 
sent an advertisement of it to myself. Sir Allen Bro- 
derick, a great confident of the chancellor's, who, from, 
being very atheistical, became in the last years of hit 

* Jouroalf of the House of Commons 


a great blow to those who had had the impu?* 

life an eminent penitent, as he was a man of grea^t parts^ 
with whom 1 had lived long in great confidence, on bis 
death-bed sent me likewise an account of this matter, 
which he believed was done at Fontainebleau, before 
king Charles was sent to Colen*." Lord Halifax 
skys, " Some pretend to be very precise in the time of 
his reconciling; the cardinal de Ret^, &c. I will not 
enter into it minutely; but whenever it was, it is ob- 
servable that the governiiient of France did not think 
it adviseable to discovet it openly: upon which such 
obvious reflexions may be made, that I will not men- 
tion them. Such a secret can never be put into 9 
place, which is so closely stopt that there shall be no 
chinks. Whisper went about, particular men had in^ 
formations. Cromwell had his advertisements in other 
things ; and this was as well worthhis paying for. Thei-e 
was enough said of it to startle a great many, though 
not universally diffused : so much that if the govern- 
ment here had not crumbled of itself, his right alone. 
With that aad other clogs upon it, would hardly have 
thrown it down. I coiiclude, that when he came in- 
to lAigland he was as certainly a Roman catholick, as 
that he was a man of pleasure ; both very consistent by 
visible experience. — The Roman catholicks com- 
plained of his breach of promise to them very early. 
There were broad peepings out; glimpses so often re- 
peated, that to discerning eyes it was glaring. In the 
very first year there were such suspicions as produced 
melancholy shakings of the head, which were vci*y sig- 
nificant. His unwillingness to. marry a protestant, 
though both the Catholick and the Christian crowiv 

* Burnet, vol. I. p. T3. 


dence^ on all occasions, to assert his regard 

wouljr have adopted ber. Very early in his youth, 
when any German princess was proposed, he put off 
the discourse with rallery. A thousand little circum- 
staoces were a kind of accumulative evidence, which 
in these cases may be admitted. Men that were ear- 
nest protestants^ were under the sharpness of his dis- 
pleasure, expressed by rallery as well as by other ways. 
Men near him have made discoveries from sudden break- 
ings out in discburse, &c. which shewed there was 
root. It was not the least skilful part of his concealing 
himself, to make the world think he leaned towards an 
indifference io religion. He had sicknesses before his 
death; in which he did not trouble any protestant di- 
vines. Those who saw him upon his death-bed, saw a 
great dealV The duke of Buckingham, however, 
seems not willing to aljow him to have been a Roman 
catholic; at least not till the last scene of his life. His 
account cannot, consistently with the impartiality of 
history, be omitted. — Here, therefore, are his words. 
^^ I daure, confidently^ affirm his religion to be only that 
which. is vulgarly (tho' unjustly) counted none at all : 
I meany deiam. And this uncommon opinion he owed 
mfyte to thie liveliuess of his parts, aitd carelessness of 
bin temper, than either to reading or much considerar 
lion : for his quickness of apprehension, at first view, 
isould discern thro' the several cheats of pions pretences ; 
^jind bis natural laziness confirmed Him in an equal 
nustrnst of them all, for fear he should be troubled 
irith examiniog which religion was best. If in his 
terly travels and late administration, he seem'd a little 
• M&Bted to one sort of religion; the first is only to be 

* Character of K. Charles II. p. 6«-l 1 . 



ta the national religion: a blow yet the 

imputed to a certain easiness of temper^ and a com-* 
plais^nce for that company he was then forced to keep; 
and the last was no more than his being tired (which 
he soon was in any difficulty) with those bold oppo* 
sitions in parliament; which made him almost throw 
himself mta the arms of a Roman catholick party, so 
remarkable in England for their loyalty^ who emlmtced 
him gladly, and lulled him asleep with those enchant- 
ing songs of absolute sovereignty, which the best and 
wisest of princes are often unable to resist. And tho^ 
he engaged himself on that side more fully at a time 
when it is in vain and too late to dissemble; we ought 
less to wonder at it, than to consider that our very 
judgments are apt to grow in time as partial as our 
affections : and thus by accident only, he became of 
their opinion, in his weakness, who had so much en* 
deavoured, always, to qontribute to his power V * 
A man disposed to criticise, has here an ample field for 
it. The causes and uncommonness of deism; the 
loyalty of English Roman catholics ; and the accidental 
embracing an opinion different from what we have 
been wont to entertain in religion, in the article of 
death ; are so glaringly absurd, that nothing bat his 
grace's character, as a poet, can excuse them* I have 
not leisure, however, more particularly to examine 
them ; and therefore shall content myself with observe 
ing, that, though this writer begins with affirming that 
Charles was a deist, he owns him biassed to popeiy liv- 
ing, and professing it in the most important moment : 
which is pretty near the thing which he sets himself ta 
oppose. Such are the privileges of noble authors I — ^ 

* Buckingham's Worlu, vol. II. ^ 55. 


more severe, as there were, soon after bis 

Bat there* are not wanting other authorities, to tender ' 
the charge of popery probable against Charles.— —As 
eaily as in September 2, 1650, Mr. Whitlock tells us of 
** letters that propositions and motives were presented 
tothe pope, on the behalf of king Charles the Second ; 
shewing his good inclinations to the catholicksy by 
what he had done in Ireland for them, and in other in- 
stances; and desiring from his holiness considerable 
sums of money out of his treasury, and that he would 
send to all princes and states of the cathoUck religion 
in Europe, to contribute to the assistance of king 
Charles ; with several other the like proposals, and a copy 
of them inclosed in the letters V Mr. Thurloe, in a 
letter to Mountagne, afterwards lord Sandwich, dated, 
Whitehall, Ap. 28, 1656, says, " the pretended king — 
puts himsetf and his cause into the hands of the king 
of Spain, to be managed by him ; and hath declared 
himself in private to them to-be a Roman catholick, as 
they call it^" Thurloe, we know, had the best intel* 

ligence. ^Two or three paragraphs from Mr.Caxte's 

History of the Duke of Ormonde, will, in the opinion 
o£ a few, add^Bome farther force to the foregoing proofs* 
— — •** The duke,'' he tells us, " had some suspicions 
of the kings change of religion, from the time that 
they removed from Cologne into Flanders; though he 
was not fully convinced, till about the time the treaty of 
tiie Pyrenees was going to be opened. The duke," 
continues this writer, " was always a very early riser ; 
and being then at Brussels, used to amuse himself, at 
times others were in bed, in walking about the town, 
and seeing ;the churches. Groing one morning very 

. * VHuUoek, p. 4€9. *> Onnonde't Letters^ toL II. p. i02» 



death, copies of two letters ia d^enoe oH 

fiarly by a churchy where a great number of people 
Were at their devotions, he stepped in; and, ndTnnnlm 
near the altar, he saw: the king on his knees at ifeiiib 
He readily imagined his majesty would not be ^eMbd 
that he should see him there; and theillfore retifqi*a8 
cautiously as he could, went to a different part of Alt 
church near another altar where nobody Was, kneded 
down, and said his own prayers till the king was gooe. 
Some days afterwards, Sir Henry Bennet came to bifl^ 
and told his grace, that the kings obstinacy, in:J|0t 
declaring himself a Roman catholick, put them to 
great diificulties; that the kings of France and SpiHii 
pressed him mightily to do it, and their ambassi^ldfes 
sollicited it daily, with assurances, that if he woald 
make that public declaration, they would both dssiit 
him, jointly, with all their powers, to put him on the 
throne of England like a king ; that he and others faa4 
urged this, and endeavonred to persuade him to deckligfl 
himself, but all in vain; that it would ruin his aflhifi 
if he did not do it; and begged of the duke of Ormonde 
to join in perswading him to declare himself. Tbe 
duke said, he could never attempt to perswade his dVH^ 
jesty to act the hypocrite, and declare himself to b» 
what he was not in reality. Sir Henry thereupon ze^ 
plied. That the king had certainly professed himself a 
Koman catholick, and was a real convert; only he stock 
at the declaring himself so openly. The du^e of Op- 
xuonde answered. He was very sorry for it ; but he could 
not meddle in the matter : for the king having never made 
a confidence of it to him, would not be pleased with 
his knowledge of the change he had made; and for his 
own part, he was resolved never to take any notice of 
it to his majesty, till he himself .first made him the dis^ 

» -. 



the authority of the Church of Rome, pub* 

covery. Sometime afterwards, George, earl of Bristol, 
ciame to the duke, complaining of the folly and mad- 
ness of Bennet, and others about the king, who wete 
labouring to perswade hitn to what would absolutely 
ruin his affairs. The duke asking what it was; the 
other replied, that it was to get tlie king to declare 
himself a Roman catholick; which ifhe once did, they 
should be all undone: and therefore desired his graoe*s 
Assistance to prevent so fatal a step. The duke of Or- 
monde said, It was very strange, that any body should 
have the assurance to offer to perswade his majesty to 
declare himself what he was not ; especially in a point 
of so great consequence. Bristol answered, That was 
pot the case, for the king was really a Roman catholick ; 
but the declaring himself so would ruin his affairs in 
England. And as for the mighty promises of assist* 
ance from France and Spain, you, my lord, and I, know 
very well, that there is no dependance or stress to be 
laid on them, and that they would give more to get one 
frontier garrison into their hands, than to get the ca- 
tholick religion established^ not only in England but 
all over Europe : and then desired his grace to join in 
diverting the king from any thoughts of declaring him- 
^elf in a point which would certainly destroy his in- 
terest in England for ever, and yet not do him the least 
service abroad. The duke allowed, that the earl of 
Bristol judged very rightly in the case; but excused 
himself from meddling in the matter, because the king 
had kept his conversion as a secret from him, and it 
was by no means proper for him to shew that he had 
indde the discovery *." -After the Restoration, the king, 

* Carte's History of the Duke of Ormonde, toI. II. p. 254« 


lished by the cotQmand of his brother and 

as we have seen, professed himself a protestant: but 
^khe time of his death he look off the mask, and 
ot>en1y appeared to be what he really was. In the 
paper, entitled^ " A brief account of particulars occnr- 
ring at^the happy death of our late Sovereign Lord, 
King Charles II. in regard to religion; faithfnlly re- 
lated by bis then assistant, Mr. Jo. Huddleston ;" 
printed in the second volume of the State Tracts of this 
reign ; we read, That " he [Huddleston] being called 
into the kings bed-chamber, the king declared, that he- 
desired to die in the faith and communion of the holy 
Roman catholic church: that he was most heartiljii 
sorry for all the sins of his past life ; and, particularly, 
for that he had deferred his reconciliation so long : 
that through the merits of Christ's passion, he hoped 
for salvation : that he was in charity with all the world : 
that with all his heart he pardon'd his enemies ; and 
desired pardon of all those whom he had any wise of- 
fended : and that if it pleased God to spare him longer 
life, he would amend it; detesting all sin. I then 
advertiz'd his majesty," says the writer, " of the bene- 
fit and necessity of the Sacrament of Penance; which 
advertizement the king most willingly embracing^ 
made an exact confession of his whole life, with ex- 
ceeding compunction and tenderness of heart: which 
ended, I desired him in farther sign of repentance and 
true sorrow for his sins, to say, with me, a little short 

act of contrition. ^This he pronounced with a clear 

and audible voice : which done, and his sacramental 
penance admitted, I gave him absolution. After some 
time thus spent, 1 asked his majesty, if he did not also 
desire to have the other sacraments of the holy church 
administered unto him i He reply 'd, By all means : I de- 


successor, and attested by him to be found 

aire to be a partaker of all the helps and succours ne- 
cessary and expedient for a catholic christian in my 
condition. I added. And doth not your majesty also 
desire to receive the pretious body and blood of our 
dear Saviour, Jesus Christ, in the most holy sacrament 
of the Eucharist P his answer was this : If I am worthy, 
pray fail not to let me have it. 1 then told him, it 
would be brought to him very speedily, and desired his 
majesty, that in the interim he would give me leave to 
proceed to the sacrament of Extream Unction; he 
reply 'd, With all my heart. I 'then anoyled him; 
which as soon as performed, I was called to the door, 
whither the blessed sacrament was now brought and 
delivered to me. Then returning to the king, I en- 
treated his majesty, that he would prepare and dispose 
himself to receive. At which the king, raiiiing up 
himself, said. Let me meet my heavenly JLord in a bet- 
ter posture than in my bed. But I bumbly begg'd his 
majesty to-repose himself. God Almighty, who saw 
his heart, would accept of his good intention. The 
king then having recited the forementioned act of con* 
trition with me, he receiv'd the most holy sacrament for 
his viaticum *." &c. &c. 

This account is confirmed by a letter from J. Aprice, 
Romish priest, to Mr. William Lynwood, in Deane, 

Northamptonshire, dated, Feb. 16, 1685. " That 

God,'' says he, ^' who preserved our late kii^ of bless- 
ed memory, by so many wooderful miracleijii^dl his life- 
time, did also at his death call him to his mercy, by 
Baking him to be reconciled to his holy church ; which 
hfi did in this manner: The day he fell ill, which was 

* state Tracts, ▼»!. IT. p. 28. 


in Charleses strong box, and in his closet, 

the Monday, he was no sooner recovered of his fit, but 
his trusty loving brother, our now most gracious so- 
vereign, fearing a relapse, put him in mind of his soul; 
which advice he immediately embraced, and desired 
no time might be lost in the execution of it. Where- 
upon Mr. Huddleston was commanded to attend incies- 
santly thereabouts. But the great affairs of the nation 
coming perpetually before them, time could not possi-^ 
bly be found till Thursday. But the king, finding his 
natural strength decay, commanded, of his own accord^ 
all to retire out of the room; telling them that he had 
something to communicate to his brother, llien Mr. 
Hiiddlcston being brought in, that great work was 
done, and with that exactness, that there was nothing 
omitted either necessary or decent : and, as Mr. Hud- 
dleston himself has told me, by a particular instance of 
God*s grace, the king was as ready and apt in making 
his confession, and all other things, as if he had been 
brought up acatholick all his life-time : and from that 
moment till eight of the clock the next &dy, at which 
time his speech left him, he was heard to say little but 
begging Almighty God's pardon for all offences, and 
the like : so that we may joyfully say, God have mercy 
of his soul, and make him eternally participant of his 
kingdom of heaven *." — ^Thcre, probably, was no occa- 
sion for God's grace to make " the king ready and 
apt in making his confession, and all other tbings.^*' 
Use and ciistom had rendered them habitual ; and the 
ease he had found in them, amidst all his crimes, ren- 
dered him, we may well suppose, desirous, at this time, 
of performing them ; that he might have the mighty 

* See Appendix. 


and written in his own hand '. ^Tliese, 

comfort of sacmlotal prayers and absohuion, and, 
thereby a right to the kingdom of heaven. — O Super- 
fltitiou! thou sabduer of the old, and young; of the 
ignorant, and men of understanding; how great is dij 
power, bow amazing tliy empire, over the minds of 
men ! Who could have thought that a prince, so aJMm^ 
doned as Charles ; so sensible, and penetrating; so ca- 
pable of seeing the ridicule of nonsense and absurdity, 
and exposing them to standcrs-by : who could think 
thst this man, who had consented to law which inca* 
pacitated all persons, who should affirm that he was a 
papist, from bearing office*; and had even permitted 
persons to be punished Very severely, for professing 
Aat mode of belief: who, T say, could think that this 
aiieaty niika should be under its influence; and imagine, 
like wiseiand good God would be moved by tricks and 
feideries, to forgive such as never strived to resemble 
kiih ! But he loved not truth, or virtue. By vice, his 
(nnderstanding was darkened : and he had long lost the 
only sure guard against delusion, honesty and integrity. 

'* Copies of two lettcfs^'found in the king's strong 
box, written in his own hand.] The first paper: 

^ The discourse we had the other day, I hoped, satis- 
fied yon, in the main, that Christ can have but one 
lAordh' here upon earth; and I believe, that it is as 
iiSiiUe as that the scripture is in print, that none can 
tiMtaat church, but that which is called the Koman ca- 
4iiffick cfhurch. I think you need not trouble yourself 
with entering into that ocean of particular disputes, 
irtien %ht inain, and, in truth, the only question is, 
where that chinch is which wc profess to believe in the 

•Stat. 13 Car. II. c 1. 



as they may be a curiosity to many of my 

two creeds ? We declare there, to believe one catholic 
and apostolical church; and it is not left to every 
phantastical mans head to believe as he pleases, but to 
the church, to whom Christ hath left the power upon 
earth to govern us in matters of faith, who made these 
creeds for our directions. It were a very inational 
thing to make laws for a country, and leave it to the 
inhabitants to be the interpreters and judges of those 
laws: for then every man will be his own judges and, 
by consequence, no such thing as either right or wrdllg. 
Can we therefore suppose, that God Almighty would 
leave us at those uncertainties, as to give us a rule to 
go by, and leave every man to be his own judge? I 
do ask any ingenuous man, whether it be not the -same 
thing to follow our own phancy, or to interffret tbe 
scripture by it? I would have any man shew me, wheie 
the power of deciding matters of faith is given toe^fStj 
particular man. Christ left his power to his chtiiiij^j 
even to forgive sins in heaven; and left his spirit inlh 
them, which they exercised after his resurrection : fiist, 
by his apostles, in these creeds; and, many years after, 
bv the council of !Nice, where that creed was made 
that is called by that name ; and by the power which 
they had received from Christ, they were the judges 
even of the scripture itself many years after the apafr- 
tles, which books were canonical and which were^l|fl()ft. 
And if they had this power then, I desire to knoHEf-fallir 
they came to lose it, and by what authority men tftpjiif 
rate themselves from that church ? The only pretence I 
ever heard of was, because the church bad failed^n 
wresting and interpreting the scripture contrary to the 
true sense and meaning of it, and that they have iHa- 
posed articles of iaith upon us which arc not to b« 


(JHAilLES ii. hi 

feader^, I will gite below in the ttote.- 

warratited by God's word. I desire to know who is to 
Be judge of that : whether the whole church, the suc- 
cession whieteof has codtinued to this day without in- 
terruption ; or partiicalarmea, who have raised schisms 
for their own adyanfage f 

^' This is a true copy of a paper I found in 
the late king my brothers strong box, 
written in his own hand. 

^'JAMBS R." 

The Second Paper ; 

^^ It is a sad thing to consider what a world of heresies 
are crept into this nation^ Every ilian thipks biotself 
M 9U>iiipetent a judge of the scripttires^ as the Tcry 
Jiilllflleft themselves : and 'tis do Wonder that it shcHild 
.#B*8Q ; since that part of the nation, which looks most 
like a church, dares hot bring tlK^ true arguments 
against tlie other sects, for fear they should be tuffied 
against themselves, and confuted by their <mn 6rgti- 
inents. The Church of England (as 'tis call'd) would 
fain have it thought, that they are the judges in mat>- 
ters spiritual, and yet dare npt say positively that there 
is no appeal from them: for either they must say that 
they are imfallible (which they cannot pretedd to), or 
confess that ^bat they decide in matters of conscience^, 
ifl no further to be followed than it agrees with every 
isafns private judgment. If Christ did leave a church 
here tpon eardi, and we were all once of that church ; 
hoWi and by what authority did we separate from that 
church ? If the power of interpreting of scripture be 
th every mans brain, wliat need have we of a church 
«r bbureh-men? To what purpose then did otir Sah 
TMsurv after he had given his apostles power to bind And 

VOL. V. F 


Such was tlie personal character of tliis 

loose in heaven and earth, add to it, that he would be 
with them even to the end of the world ? These word» 
were not spoken parabolically, or by way of figure. 
Christ was then ascending into hia glory, and left his 
power with his church even to the end of the world. 
We have had, these hundred years past, the sad effects 
of denying to the church that power, in matters spiri- 
tual, without an appeal. What country can subsist 
in peace or quiet, where there is not a supream judge 
from whence there can be no appeal ! Can there he 
any justice done where the offenders are their own 
judges, and equal interpreters of the law with those 
that are appointed to administer Justice? This is oni 
ease here in England in matters spiritual ; for the pro- 
testants are not of the Church of England, as 'tis tl)* 
true church from whence there can be no appeal; but 
because ihe discipline of that church is coaformable at 
that present to their fancies, which, as soon as it shall 
contradict or vary from, they are ready to embrace or 
join with the next congregation of people whose dis- 
cipline and worship agrees wiih their opinion at that 
time: BO that, according to this doctrine, there is no 
other church, nor interpreter of scripture, hut that 
which lies in every mans giddy brain. I desire to 
know, therefore, of every serious ronsiderer of these 
things, whether the great work of our salvation ought 
to depend on such a sandy foundation as this ! Did 
Christ ever say to the civil magistrate (much less to 
the people), that he would be with them to the end of 
the world f Or, did he give them the po^ver to forgive 
sins? St. Paul tells the Corinthians, Ye are Gods 
husbaadry, ye are Gods building; we are labourers 
This shews who are the labourers, and 


prince ; under whom, therefore, it is easy 

who are the husbandry and building: and in this 
whole chapter, and in the preceding one, S. Paal takes 
great pains to aet forth that they, the clergy, have the 
spirit of'God, without which no man searchelh the 
deep things of God. And he concliidelh the chapter 
with this verse: 'For who hath known the mind of 
the Lord, that he may instruct him i Butweliave the 
mind of Christ.' Ivow if we do but consider, in 
humane probability and reason, the powers Christ 
leaves to his church in the gospel, and St. Paul ex- 
plains so distinctly afterwards, we cannot tliink that 
ouf Saviour said ail these things to no purpose: and 
fray consider, on the other side, that those who resist 
Ihe truth, and will not liubmit to his church, draw their 
argQHients from implications, and far-fetched interpre- 
tations, nt the same time that they deny plain and posi- 
tive words 5 which is so great a disingeuuity, that 'tis 
not almost to be thought that they can believe them- 
selves. Is there any other foundation of the prolestant 
church, but that, if the civil magistrate please, he may 
call such of the clergy as he thinks fit for his turn at 
that time; and turn the church either to presbytery, 
independency, or, indeed, what he pleases? This was 
the way of onr pretended reformation herein England; 
and, by ihe same rule and authority, it may be altered 
into as many more shapes and forms as there are fancies 
in mens heads. 

" This is a true copy of a paper written by 
the late king, my brother, in his own hand, 
which I found in his closet'." 

' Published by his majesty's coininand. Lood. Printed by Henry Hi'Ii, 
prialer to U)« kiLig'i ntoU excellent msjeity, for bis boiuetuiltt aad chipe^ 



to belietip, popery yf^ higlily fatroMed| 

These papers, as it ^4y be sUpp<>sei]9 4id 9ftt l$dig 
femaio wi(hQu)r answers. StilUDgfleet aqd ^QFQ^ty §l)te 
^optrpyertists^ made th^if f^qiarks on ih^v^ Th^ Ifttr 
%ex of wbopi express^ Ipiiii^ejf ^bqut tU^sMn lh^ iEi^ 
lowing mapper :-— — -'' J p^ all. tb^ i^f/e^mfi^ thf I i» 
^ye to a c^owo'4 b^A^ P^f^.P ii^ a|hes, tq wbiph I wil 
B^e^ be Yf^nMikg : ^ar les$ £^91 1 oapabl^ of sfi9p^tia)| 
\he royal attestation that accQm.paAi^ th^oi; of tht 
fmtb of wliicb^ I take it fof gcsipted, pa IQan dQiihM 
But I must cj^aye l^ve to t^l) you, th^\, I uffk CQn^dont^ 
fhe late kipg only copied tbeip^ aji^ thf;y ^od qqt of 
|iis composing : ^r as t^ey h^ye; potbipg of that fot^ 
^ir with which l^e ^3f pressed Vttps^lf, sq there U a qqp||' 
texture in them that dof:s not loio.k li.He a prince: i|p|l 
tlie beginping pf the first ab^ws it was (he ^ect gf f 
cpi^yers^tiop, and was to \)^ comniunicakted to s^mtbi^^ 
BO tl^at I am apt fp thinly they vfer^ ^oja^9 f§ l A filg 
another, an4 w^i^^ ^9 ^^U relished by ibie 
tlp^t he ^hppgbt fit to ke^p them, in <«d^T t» 
limining theni mp][e particul^ly ; and tjJMt ^ 
yailed with to popy them, l^t a papt^ pi? that 
might have beep m^de. ^ priwe, if it h^ been fo^f^ 
about him writtep by £M;ipther hap4 - and I cppid na^^f 
one or two persons, who as they were ahl^ enough tp 
compose such papers, so. had power enough oyer bi# 
iipu:it to engage him tP copy them, and tp put tl^en^ 
selves out of danger by restoring the original */' — — rr-r- 
^Cj; aftecw^ds, t^kes notice of his having had the 
honour to discourse cop^o;asly pf these, platters with the 
late king himself, and of his piaj^e^ty's having pro- 
posed to him some of the particulars he found in those 

* Burnet's Collection of Papers, p. IBS, 4to. Loud. 1689. . 


Tins is explained more fully in tlie " History of Ins 
o«n Time."— "The t*o papers found in his strong 
box," aajs the bishoji, "corieerning religion, and af- 
tferwatds pXiblished by his brotHer, looked like study 
aticl reasotiirig. Tennison told me, he saw the original 
iii P^ejiy's hand, to whoitt fcin» Jainca trusted them for 

some time. They were interlined in several places: 
aind the interliriings seemed to be i^rit in a band dif- 
ferent from tli!rt in whicli the papers *ere writ. Bat 
be wds not so well atquainted with the king's hand, as 
to make any judgment in the matter, whether they 
*ere iVrit by Him or not. All that knew him, when 
they read them, did, withont any Sbrt of donbting, 
conclude that he never composed them : for he never 
read the scriptures, nor laid things together, further 
than to turn them to s jest, or for some lively exv' 
pression. These papers were pfobably writ either by 
lord Bristol, or by lord Aubigny, who knew the seci^ 
(rf hia religion, and gave him those papers as abstracts 
of sortie discourses they had with him on those heads, 
to keep him fixed to them. And it is very probable 
that they, apprehending theiv danger if any such pa- 
pers had been found about him writ in their hati'd, 
might prevail with him to copy them out himself, tho' 
Ws laziness that Way made it certainly H6 ^asj thlHg to' 
bring him to give himself so much tr'Ouble. He had 
talked over a great part of them to myself: so that as 
«bon as I saw them I remembred his expressions, and' 
fferceived that he had made himself master of the ar- 
gument as fin- as those papers could carry him'." — 
Lord Halifax judges, "he might write these papers. 
Though," adds he, "neither his temper nor eddcation 
made him very fit to be an author; yet, in this casff' 

I. p. 614. 




(a known topick, so often repeated), he might write 
it all himself^ and yet not one word of it bis own. 
That diurch's argument doth so agree wiih men un- 
villing to take pains, the temptation of putting an end 
lo all the trouble of enquiring is so great, that it mast 
be very strong reason that can resist. The king had 
only his meer natural faculties, without any acquisi- 
tions to improve them : so that it is no wonder, if an 
argument, whieh gave such ease and relief to his mind, 
made such an impression, that, with thinking often 
on if (as mc^ afe apt to do of every thing they like), 
he might, by thf effect chiefly of hjs piemor)-, put to- 
gether a few lines with his ounhand, without any hel)) 
at the time; in which there was nothing extraordinary, 
but that one so little inclined to write at all, should pre^ 
vail with himself to do it with the solemnity of a ca- 
suist'." — ■ Whoever was the writer, the papers have 

very little merit : nor will any one pay attention to the 
arguments contained in them, who has senEC enough 
to perceive, that every honest inquirer after truth is 
infallibly sure of being right, with respect to himself. 

"Every mans reason," says Uolingbroke, "is 

every mans oracle. This oracle is best consulted in the 
silence of retirement : and when we have so consulted, 
%vhatever the decision he, whether in favour of our 
prejudices or against them, wc must rest satisfied ; 
since nothing can be more certain than this, that he 
who follows that guide in the search of truth, as that 
was given him to lead him to it, will have a much 
better plea to make, whenever or wherever be may be 
called to account, than he ^ho has resigned himself, 
either deliberately or inadvertentlyj to any authority 
Upon earth •*." 

• Holifai's CharaCtT of K. Charles It. p. 1 1 . " BolinsbtokeS 

IftteiaoDtbe Study aud Use of UI»oiy, vol. II. p, 230, Svo. Loud. llSi. 


*ik1 the professors of it cherished and en- 
couraged '" ; contrary to the sense, and re- 

'" Popery was favoured, and its professors cherished 
and eacouraged.] That this is no false accufiation, 
will appear by the most unquestionable authorities. — 
Father Walsh, in his " Preparation to his Apology 
touching the Oath of Supremacy," printed at London, 
1684, tells us, " that, about the year l66l, one Sunday 
morning, very early, being sent for by one of the first 
lords of the kingdom, amongst other things, this great 
personage spoke to him as followeth : Father Walsh, 
now is the time for you to reap the fruit of your long 
painful endeavours, your fidelity and patience, and the 
expectations you have had of us for many years. I can 
tell you, that we are now going to do what you have 
laboured so much for: viz. we are going to abolish 
all the laws wliich have been made in this kingdom 
againstcailiolics, and procure ihem the public exercise 
of their religion; admission into all offices, civil and 
military; and a dispensation for taking the oath of 

supremacy. We shall manage so, that they shall 

have forty in London, where they may say mass na- 

disturbed for the future. We are going to chuse 

some members of the house of lords to demand the 
abolition of the laws against Roman catholics, before 

the present parliament rises. But because the pres- 

byterian members will oppose such a measure, pre- 
tending that the safety of the state is incompatible 
with the toleration of a party that owns no other su- 
perior but the pope : Therefore, my good father, 

you must without delay, in going from house to house, 
eagage all the catholics to promise to take the oath of 
Allegiance, which will stop the mouths of the ptesby* 


■ tlJ^TWTA ..J! *■« 


piTgnant to the interest of the kiogdoma 
who, very justly,, looked on the growth of 

teriau lords, &c. The author informs us afterwards^ 
of the pains which he took to dispose the catholics to 
take tlie oath of allegiance, and of the misfortune 
which caused that three persons, under the influence 
of the Jesuits, procured the earl of Bristol to be named 
to plead the cause of the whole party in the upp«r 
house of parliament. Tiye earl performed his part with 
a great deal of eloquence; but his conclusion marr'd; 
the whole, because he offer'd only a model of the oath,, 
curtailed and maimed with many restrictions. — He re- 
maiketh further, that the catholic lords acted with 
^eat zeal ; and particularly laid stress on this, that 
igione of the Romish communion had taken arms agaiost^ 
^e royal party during the late civil war. But that it 
\5ras replied upon them, that the catholics had rebelled, 
in Ireland, in 1641, in the most outragious manner: 

that in 1646, at the soUicitation of the apostolic. 

Buntio, John Baptist Rinicciui, they broke the peace 
which they had concluded with the royalists : and that 
in 1650, they broke out into another rebellion, at the 
instigation of their priests. To which it was addied^ 
tliat the greater part of the catholic divines te^cb, |iot 
pnly as a thing probable or certain, but even as aa ar- 
ticle of faith, that the pope may depose kings aa he 
pleases, when they contradict the good of the church,. 
qx are infected with heresy*." — This narrative appears, 
to me very curious, and will possibly explain what 
follows from lord Halifax. — " Aipong all the sorts o£ 

■ I ■ 
\ ' ■ ' ^ 

. * Kztracted froro Bajle^s Xoyelles dc la Repqbliquc de Lcttrea Mw 

• • la. 


tliat abominably-inbiiman superstition, to 

men," says his lordship, " who applied themselves ta 
ikit king, at his first coining home, for his protection, 
Ike papists were sot the last, nor, as they would fain 
Ihrve flattered theniselyes, the least welcome ; having 
ibeir t>aAt sufferings, as well as their present profes- 
Aions, to reeommend them. And there was something 
that look'd like a particular consideration of them; 
since it so happened, that the indulgence promis'd to 
dissenters at Breda, was carried on in such a manner, 
that the papists were to divide #ith them ; and though 
the parliament, notwithstanding its resignation to the 
csown in. all things, rejected^ with scorn and anger, a 
dcdoration fiam'd fot this purpose; yet the birth and 
sMpft of it gave such an alarm, that mens suspicions, 
imde rars'd, were not easily laid asleep again ^." — Lord 
Clarendon, speaking of this same affair, says, *^ With 
this graeious disposition [towards the papists] his ma- 
jesty r-etumed into England ; and received his catho- 
Uck subjects with the same grace and frankness that 
he did his other: and they took all opportunities to 
extol their own sufferings, which they would have un- 
derstood to have? been for him. And some very noble' 
persons (here were, who had served his father very 
worthily in the war, and suffered as largely afterv^ards 
for having done so. But the number of those was not 
great; but much greater than of those who shewed 
^ny affection to him, or for him, during the time of 
bis absence, and the government of the usurper. Yet 
some few there were, even of those who had suffered 
most for his fether, who did send him supply when he 
was abroad^ though they were hardly able to provide 

« w « 


» Halifax's Miscdlanies, p.lS8. 13»o. Lod4< 1^17». 


inconsistent with its safety and happiness; 

oecessaries for themselves. And in hii escape from 
Worcester^ he received extraordinary benefit bj the 
fidelity of many poor people of that religion ; which 
his majesty was never reserved in the remembrance o£ 
And this gracious disposition in him, did not then 
appear ingrateful to any. And then, upon an addreu 
made to the house of peers, in the name of the Roman 
catholicks, for some relaxation of those laws which 
were still in force against them ; the house of peers 
appointed that committee, which is mentioned before, 
to examine and report all those penal statutes, which 
reached to the taking away the life of any Roman* 
catholick, priest or layman, for his religion; there 
not appearing one lord in the house, who seemed to be 
iin willing that those laws should be repealed. And 
after that committee was appointed, the Roman catho« 
lick lords and their friends for some days diligently 
attended it, and made their observations upon severaj 
acts of parliament ; in which they desired ease. But, 
on a sudden, this committee was discontinued, and 
never after revived ; the Roman catholicks never after- 
wards being sollicitous for it.— There was a committee 
chosen amongst them of the superiours of all orders, 
and of the secular clergy, that sate at ArundeMionse, 
and consulted together with some of the prinoipd 
lords and others of the prime quality of that religion, 
what they should say or do in such and such cases, 
which probably might fall out. They all concluded, 
at least apprehepded, that they should never be dis- 
pensed with in respect of the oaths, which were en» 
jpyned to be taken by all men, without their submit* 
ting to take some other oath, that might be an equal 
^security of and for their fidelity to the kin^r, and thc^# 


To colour over this, great zeal was secm- 

preservation of tbe peace of the kingdom. And there 
bad been lately acaltered abroad some printed pa(>er3, 
written by some regular and secular clergy, with subei 
propositions to t'lal purpose; and even the form of an 
oath and subscription, tu be taken or made by all 
catholicks; in which there was an absolute renun<ia- 
tioQ, or det'luration, against the temporal authority of 
the pope, which, in all common discourses aratiogst 
the protestants, all Uoman caiholicksmade no scruple 
to re;nounce and disclaim. But it coming now to be 
the subject-matter of the debate in this committee, tbe 
Jesuits declared, with much warmth, that they ought 
not, nor could they with fi ^ood conscience as caiho- 
licks, deprive tbe pope of bis temporal authority, 
which he hath in all kingdoms granted to him by God 
himself, with very much to that purpose; with which 
most of the temporal lords, and very many of the se- 
culars and regulars, were so much scandalized, that 
the committee being broken up for that time, they 
never attended it again; the wiser and the more con- 
scientioug men discerning, that there was a spirit in 
tbe rest that was raised and governed by a passion, 
of which they couid not comprehend the ground. 
And tbe truth is, tbe Jesuits, and they who adhered to 
tbem, had entertained great hopes from the kiug's too 
much grace to tbem, and from the great liberty they 
enjoyed; and promised themselves, and their friends, 
another kind of indulgence than they saw was intended 
Aein by the house of peers. And this was the reasoQ 
tiiat that committee was no more looked after, nor 
any publick address was any further proEecnted. And 
from this time there every day appeared so much insp^ 
Icnce and indiscretion amongst the imprudent cathg* 



76 THe life Of 

ingly sheifrtt for the church of Englan^t 

licks, tJmt tlrty brought so many scanditld upon hnti 
uaqtityif and* kindled so much jealousy in the palrlia<> 
ntenCy that there grew a general aversidri towards 
theiriV — These transactions, in parliament, com-^' 
ihtmced Jirfffc M)th, and ended July l6ih, l66l V — 
To go on. — His majesty, as it is well knoifn, wa# 
limrtied to a Rt)man catholic hy a Uoman catholic, the 
lorf Atbrgny; for it was he who performed the 
cefemony, though, to blind the people, an English 
prtM^tELta bishop publickly pronounced them man and 
wife*. The account given of the public marriage of 
tbe king with the infanta of Portugal, by lord Sand- 
wich, who brought her over, is curious, and u^ill 
probably excite some reflections in the mind of thc^ 
attentive, intelligent reader. *' May 21, 1662," sa^^sf 
he, " iff the afternoon, the king and queen came into* 
the presence-chamber [at Portsmouth] upon the throne^ 
ktd the contract, formerly niade with the Portugal' 
ambassador, was read in English by Sir John Nicholas,' 
in Portuguese by the Portugal secretary de Saire ; aftef' 
wbieh the king took the queen by the hand, and («8 T 
l^hink) said the words of matrimony appointed in the* 
common-prajer, the queen also declaring her consent. 
Then the bishop of London [Sheldon] stood forth, and 
ibade the declaration of matrimony in the common- 
prayer, and pronounced them man and wife, in the' 

Bame of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost**." 

The duke of York, brother to the king, was of the* 
Romidh communion also, who converted his first, aMf 
took io his second wife, a lady of the same professi6A< 

* Clai'eiidon's Conlihtiation, vol. 11. p. 269. ^ See Keonef f Biegittflr. 

* U4 p. 6d^ * Eenoet's Chronicle. 


as H had been fym^etly by la^ eni^bliihed ; 

^epqet, earl: of Arlington^ firs^ 90cretaFy of state, and 
lifter wards lord chamberUin; ClifTprd^ lord bigb- 
trea$urer; and many otbers; were preferred bj this 
^lonarpb to. posts of the greatest dignily, tbougb tbej 
v&fp well known to be averse to tbe protestant faitli. 
Tbis filled the people with dismal apprebeosiona ; 
especially as P^any papis^s^ officers and common meQ^ 
yrere employe4 in tbe fleet and army. So tbat Mr. 
]powle^ as we fiad, said opepiy^ in tbe bons^ of comr 
^oni^ ^' Their insolence i^ t^e GompUiqt in ^Tcrjr 
itreet. This b^s filled tbe minds of tbe people witH 
ly^p^ehensionsf. They have abused tbe kipg^s favour. 
There are some good and some bad among tbenou 
.\Yauld bs^ve tbe nation sec^red of our own rcUgioi^ 
^sipecially seeing that some of them have crept into 

commiands and employments V Crofts, bishop 

of Hereford, publicly declared, that " it was then 
{1679} a year and a half since, i^ his cathedral, he 
told hiffii sad apprebensioms of popish designs to destroy 

botb V^ and our religion. For they [tbe papists} 

were then providing horse and arn(is, they posted about 
day and i^gh^ they tbreatned many tbat they must 
^ long turn ox burn, aad some told tlieir friends that 
^it came to cutting of tbroats they should be saved; 
whicb xxxadQ it evident, tbat not only ^y bad some 
l^loody design, but thought t|pi|89iselves. alsp sure to 

effect it. But now^ 1 U^army fatfOipd;]Fenemies» 

tbe Jesuitical priests, are resolved, as soi^i^ they can 

find opportunity, to hasten my deatb^." The 

iipuse of commons, moved by the consideration of 

. *■ AocbiteU GrQy% Debates of Uie House of Commons, toL IL p, 33^ 
Svo. Ixu^d. J 763b y Legacy to. bis Diocese 9 in. the Dedication. 

?S ffiE LIFE 6V 

the laws made in its disfavour, in the late 

these things, presented an address to his majesty, 
March i\, lG7S : in the preamble to which it is said, 
" We, your mnjesty's most loya! subjects, the commons 
in this present pailiautent assembled, being very 
sensible of ihe great dangers and mischiefs that iftay 
arise within this your majesty's realm, by the increase 
of popish recusants amongst us; and considering the 
great resort of priests and Jesuits into this liingdonT, 
who daily endeavour to seduce your majesty's sub- 
jects from their religion and allegiance ; and how much 
your loyal subjects are disheartened to see such popish 
recusants advanced into employments of great trust 
and profit, and especially into mihtary commands over 
the forces now in your majesty's service; and having 
a tender regard to ihe preservation of your majesty's 
person, and the peace and tranquillity of this kingdom : 
do, in all humility, desire, Scc." In another address, 
presented by the house of cominons, Nov. £9, 1680, 

they more strongly express themselves.- " It is not 

unknown to your majesty," say they, " how restless 
the endeavours, and how bold the attempts, of the 
popish party, for many years last past, have been, not 
only within this, but other your majesties kingdoms, 
to introduce the Homisli and utterly to extirpate the 

true protestant religion. ■ — This bloody and restless 

party, not content with the great liberty they had a 
long time enjoyed to exercise their own religioa 
privately amongst themselves, to partake of an equal 
freedom of their persons and estates with your majes- 
ties protestant subjects, and of an advantage, above 
them, in being excused from chargeable offices and 
employments, hath so far prevailed as to find counte* 
nance from an open and avowed practice of their 



MipCTStitidn and idolatry, without controul, in several 
parts of this kingtloiii. Great swarms of priests and 
Jesuits have resorted hither; and have here exercised 
their jurisdiction, and been daily tampering to pervert 
the consciences of your majesties subjects. Their 
opposers they have found means to disgrace; and if , 
they were judges, justices of the peace, or other ma^ 
slrates, to have them turned out of commissioa: an 
ID contempt of the known laws of the land, they hav^ i 
practised upon people of all ranks and qualities, and 
gained over divers to their religion j some openly to 
profess it, others secretly to espouse it, as most con- 
duced to the service thereof. After some time, they 
became able to influence matters of state and govern- 
ment; and, thereby to destroy those tliey cannob 
corrupt. The continuance or prorogation of parlia* 1 
ments has been accommodated to serve the purposes Qp 

that party. Nor was ibis spoken at random. 

Lord Stafford, before his condemnation, at the, ' 

bar of the house of lords, said, " My lords, since hit 
majesties happy restauration, I do conceive, and I 
think I may safely say it (fur you all know it, he wa^ , 
gracious and good to all dissenters, particularly to' 
them of the Romish church) they [the catholics] had.' 
connivance and indulgence in their private houses : and 
I declare to your lordships, I did then say to some? 
that were too open in their worship, that they did piay 
foul in taking more liberty upon them than was fitting 

for them too'." And Coleman, secretary to the, 

duke of York, in a letter to the pope's internuncio^ ' 
dated, Aug. 21, 1674, tells him, " We have in agitationj 1 
great designs, worihy the consideration of your friends, 
ttnd to be supported with all their power, wherein we 

• Suffbrd'B Trj'*!, p. 900. int. Load. 168(1.1, 


have no dodbt hut ta succeed; ^dii may he %6 thv 
utter ruin of the protestant party, if you join with us 
in good earnest, and cordi^ly second our enterprizes V* 
' ■ "I n a letter, dated Sept. 4th, following, he writes 
his cor]:^spondent, ^^ The dukes principal design is, to' 
terfaainate this difference [between France and Spain} 
by;the interposition of the pope; and by that means to> 
efetdbUsb himself in the possession of his estate througlr 
Hieii! assistance; and to turn all their cases (which at 
present are employed to destroy each other) for tfaw^ 
ease of the pope's friends, and particularly for the CftM 
tholicks of the church, against their great eiietsan^ 
If you please: to consider the affair as it is, yon wiU> 
find, that the pope never had an occasion so faYOii»i 
able, as at this hour, to iorich those of bis familyv 
and to augment the number of his friends ; and if ho 
lets it slip, he will never find the like: so that if erw 
they propose to make use of the treasure of the chafolk^ 
it is now they ought to do it; for they can demtoki 
nothing that the duke will not be capable to do for tiMi 

pope's friends^." ^The same gentleman, in a Munr 

to father le Ches^, confessor to Lewis XIV. declaMBy 
** We have here a mighty work upon our hands, Dd 
less than the conversion of three kingdoms; and by 
that, perhaps, the subduing of a pestilent heresy, which 
has domineered over a great part of this, northern 
world a long time. There was never such hope^ «i 
success since the death of queen Mary, a^ now rai 

©ur days ^." Such were the hopes of the catholiofft 

Such their confidence in the power of those wW 
favoured and supported them ! We are not to wooAe^ 
after this, if the most cool and sedate men men 

* Coleman's Collection of Letters, p. 8. fol. Lond. 1681. •» Id. p. la 

• Id. p. 118. 



times, being abolished ; and episo^pacy, in 

alarmed and terrified with the dangers that were like 
to befal them, from a sect whose characteristic has 
always been persecii|(fi0n ; persecution most bloody. — 
By way of supplem^' to what is here said, I would 
observe, that it now was become fashionable with the 
divines, who chose to be in favour at court, to speak 
Well of the tricks and juggles of the Romish priests. 

** I spoke sevgally," says the lady Anne, wife of 

the duke of Yori^^ to two of the best bishops we 
have in England [Sheldon, archbishop oflffSmterbury ; 
and Blandford, bishop of WorcesterJi^tei botjil^ told 
me, there were many things in theJtoaAa.ehiiichy 
wl|jb^ (it were very much to he wisfaid) we had -kept;-' 
^ssion, which was, noi^Qiib^ conHpaaded by 
that praying for the dead, 'was one of the antient 
things in Christianity : that, for their paiiqlfchey dm 
it daily, though they would notTown it: Bndjiftae>r 
wards, pressing one of them very ipqch upon the dtfaeft 
points, he told me, that if he hadbfMn bred a catholic, 
he would not change his religion; Bat -that, being of 
another church, wherein, he was sure, were all things 
necessary to salvation, he thought it very ill to giv«i^ 
that scandal, as to leave that church wherein he btdt 
received his baptism. All these discdbrses did but 
edd more to the desire I had to be a catholic, and gave 

me the most terrible agonies in the world*." No 

doubt of it. The poison of such doctrinei^ is deadly ; ^ 
and is to be cured only by the exercise of reason and 
-the practice of virtue : which will set men above the 
delusions, sorceries, and witchcrafts of those, who 
jendeavour. to in^pose^ on the understanding, in order 

• . f - 

* Paper written by the late dachess of York. 'fol. Lond. 1686. 
▼OL. V. « 

- ir ■" --^ifgYf liWii- 


all its pttnp and splendor '% and the liturgy 

to enslave the body and ihe sonl.- The same hopeful 

doctrine was got among some of the ambitious under* 
clergy: OneThompson^ of Briilid, said, " If he were 
as well satisfied of other things, as he was of justifica- 
tion, auricular confession, penance, extream unction, 
and crisme in baptism, he would not have been so long 
separated from the catholic church. And further 
affirmed. That the church of Rome was the true 
catholic church; and endeavoured to prove extream 
vnction, and auricular confession, as well as he could^ 

bnt of the Epistles*." ^Where things of this, and 

the like nature, are in vogue; popery will find a most 
jeady admission ! For popery is nothing more t^p s 
larger heap of these absurdities; mixed up by art^B 
nipported by fraud and cruelty. ^^' 

". The^l^Siiirch of England was restored— -^nd none- 
permitted to officiate in it, who could not comply with 
every punctilio of the ritual.] Charles I. had consented 
to acts for taking away the high commission court ^ 
and for disenablhrg all persons, in holy orders, to exer- 
cise any temporal jurisdiction or authority. 

Tliis was a great blow to the priesthood ; and wa^ 
"a forerunner to the abolishment of the hierarchy by the 
parliament. Bnt as the clergy love power ; as for the 
most part they are greedy, or, at least, somewhat too 
desirous of those riches which they teach other people 
to part with and despise; they, with a very ill grace, 
tabmitted to these laws, and plainly showed that thej 
only did it because they coold not help it. The re- 
storation of episcopacy was, however, never out of the 
hopes of the ecclesiastical royalists; who were intent 

• o< 

;Stat«iTract£!, ?ol. II. fi. 1 IS. 

* CHARLES Iti ^ 

Wid cetemonies restored with a high hand ; 

on keeping lip the order by those means which pru- 
dence, and the situation of public affairs, dictated; 
Charles could not refuse to give some encouragement 
\o men who had adhered, though unhappily, to the 
royal cause t and Hyde, who was a firm believer in the 
appstolical right of this form of church government, 
and hated heartily every other, was very much intent 
ggpn it. Nor was much opposition made hereto^ even 
nby those who had been deemed its adversaries. The 
presby terians, as I have observed, loved power ; were 
enemies to freedom of enquiry, and fond of ecclesias- 
tical revenues : though they thought a more equal dis- 
tribution of them might and ought to be made, thau 
Md been in times past. Yea the bulk of them had no 
aversion to episcopal power and authority, provided 
such regulations had been made in fact, as were pro- 
posed in his majesty's declaration concerning ecclesias- 

||iffairs *. And the liturgy, though long disused, 
I, on the same terms, have beeiai submitted to by 

far greater number of that pc^nr^asion. But 

union was not what was desired : revenge was aimed 
at. Notwithstanding the merits of the party, the king's 
declarations, and the desires of the majority of the 
people in the kingdom; it was determined to make 
them feel the weight of power, and deprive them of 
the means of making further opposition to authority. 
For this end, the power of the clergy was again re- 
stored: in consequence of which, Ae bishops took 
their seats in the house of lords ; and promot^ the 
cause of those to whom they owed, or from whom 
Jboped, preferment. — Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was re- 

* See note 45 ; an4 Reliquiae Baxterianse, part II. p. 1278—283, 



and mme pennitted to officiate in pub* 

TiTed ; the oath ex i^cio only excepted — and an act 
'pasted for the ^ uniformity of public pravers, and adr 
ministration of the sacraments, and other rites and 
ceremonies : and for establishing the form ni making! 
ordaining, and consecrating of bishops, priests, and 

deacons, in the chorch of England *." By this last 

act, it is enacted, '^ that the Book of Common Prayer 
shall be used by all ministers in public : timt all wh^ 
enjoy any ecclesiastical benefice, shall not only openl^ 
read, but pnblickly, before the congregation, dedaie 
their unfeigned assent and consent to all and every 
thing contained and prescribed in and by the Book <^ 
Common Prayer.** A declaration was also required 
from them, and even from public and private schoH- 
mastersy that it was not lawful, upon any pretence 
whatsoever, to take arms against the king : that diey 
abhorred the traitorous position of taking arms, by his 
authority against his person, or against those dl 
commissioned by him : that they will confomi^ 
liturgy^ as then established : that they do holc^l 
lies no obligation upon them, or any other penSn, 
from the oath, commonly called the Solemn Leagiie 
and Covenant, to endeavour any change or alteration 
of government in church or state; and that the same 
was in itself ap unlawful oath, and imposed upon the 
subjects of this realm against the known laws and 
liberties of the kingdom. It was moreover re- 
quired, that all who held livings should be episcopally 
ordllined; and no 'Other form of common prayer in 
pubKc be used, than what was contained in the said 
Book of Common Prayer. — ^AU this was very strict. — 

• SUt 13 lb 14 Car. II. c. 4. sect. 3. and 6. 

"-r, K^ 






lie who would not comply, in every puneti- 

But the act was passed, and it remained now only to 
conform, or resign their employments and maintenance/ 
Such as could not do the former, had, however, some 
hopes given them, thtt the government would not 
rigorously insist on the execution of a law so dis- 
agreeable to the people in general, and so prejudi- 
cial to particular persons ; many of whom, it was fore- 
seen, would be distinguished by their piety, virtue, 

and integrity. But their hopes were ill-founded. 

The ruling clergy were determined nbw, if possible, 
to avenge themselves on those from whom they had re- 
ceived, as they thought, ill usage : and Hyde, always 

a bigot, fell in with their views and designs. On 

the 24th of August, 1662, such of the ministers as 
thought it not proper to qualify themselves according 
to the law, left their livings. Their number has gene- 
rally been computed at about two thousand ; though 
lord Clarendon, with his wonted regard to truth, says, 
^ that after some time, the number was very small, 
and of Tcry weak and inconsiderable men, that con- 
tinued refractory, and received no charge in the church : 
though it may,'' adds he, ^* without breach of charity, 
be believed, that many, who did subscribe, had the 
same malignity to the church, and to the government 
of it ; and it may be did more harm, than if they had 
continued in their inconformity V What his lordship 
means, I suppose, is, that many declared their assent 
and consent to things they did not wholly believe or 
approve: that they thought many things might be 
altered for the better : and that impositions on meiTs 
■consciences were very grievous and. abominable. And 


' ^ ■. * Clarendon's CoDtinuation, vol. If • p. 306. 


lio, with the directions of the ritual.- 

if this be the meaning, there can be no doubt that it 
is tru^. Amidst many thousand divines, if they have 
indeed considered matters, there will be a very great 
variety of opinions : and the ^apre freely they think^ 
the less w ill they like the trammels of almost any 

establishment; though — for, sundry reasons them 

thereunto moving — they have submitted to the same. 

" There are many things in the church," said the 

late most ingenious and learned Dr. Middleton, ^ which 
I wholly dislike; yet while 1 am content to acquiesce 
in the ill, I should be glad to taste a little of the good, 
and to have some amends for that ugly assent and con^ 
sent which no man of sense can approve ^/'-— — Various, 
have been the opinions that men, at different times, 
have passed on this act of uniformity. '*It was no 
sooner published," says the writer just quoted, "than 
all the presbyterian ministers expressed their disappro- 
bation of it with all the passion imaginable. They 
complained that the king had violated the promise 
made to them in his declaration from Breda, which 
was urged with great disingenuity, and without any 
shadow of right : for his majesty had thereby referred 
the whole settlement of all things, relating to religion, 
to the wisdom of parliament ; and declared, in the 
mean time, that nobody should be punished or ques* 
tioned for continuing the exercise of his religion in 
the Way he had been accustomed to in the late confu- 
sions. And his majesty had continued this indulgence 
by his declaration after his return, and thereby fully 
complied with his promise from Breda ; which he 
•bould indeed have violated, if lie had now refused lo 

'l-etter tiilord Hervey, Sept 13, 1736. MS. in my 


Thus, under pretence of settling the peace 

concur in the settlement the parliament had agreed 
upon ; being, in truth, no less obliged to concur with 
the parliament in the settlement that the parliament 
should propose to him, than he was not to cause any 
pXnan to be punished for not obeying the former lawi 
till a new settlement should be made*." This is plau- 
sible, but far from solid. — Had the king thought him- 
self obliged to concur with this parliament in the set- 
tlement now proposed ; why had he not thought him- 
self equally obliged to comply with the desires of the 
former parliament, who had thanked him for his de- 
claration, so conducive to peace, and ordered in a bill 
for passing it into a law ^ f The court, at this time, 
had so much influence in the house of commons, as is 
well known, that nothing could have passed there con- 
trary to its desires. His lordship afterwards says, 
'* There cannot be a greater manifestation of the dis- 
temper and licence of the time, than the presumption 
of those presbyterian ministers, in the opposing and 
contradicting an act of parliament; when there was 
scarce a man in that number who had not been so great 
a promoter of the rebellion, or contributed so much to 
it, diat they had no other title to their lives but by the 
kings mercy : and there were very few amongst them 
who had not come into the possession of the churches 
they now held, by the expulsion of the orthodox 
ministers, who were lawfully possessed of them ; and 
who being, by their imprisonment, poverty, and other 
kinds of oppression and contempt, during so many 
years, departed this life, the usurpers remained undis- 
. turbed in their livings, and thought it now the highest 

• Clarendon's Continaation^ toI. II. p. 296. ^ Id. p. 143. 


of the natioDy promoting and. propagating 

tyranny to be removed from them, though for o£Pend- 
ing the law and disobedience to the government. That 
those men should give themselves an act of oblivion 
of all their transgressions and wickedness, and take 
upon them again to pretend a liberty of conscience, 
against the government which they had once over- 
thrown upon their pretences; was such an impudence 
as could not have fallen into the hearts even of those 
men, from the stock of their own malice, without 
' some great defect in the government, and encourage- 
ment or countenance from the highest powers V — 

Surely the losers had a right to speak. Mr. Locke 

gives it as his opinion, " that Bartholomew-day was 
fatal to our church and religion ; throwing out a very 
great number of worthy, learned, pious, and orthodox 
divines, who could not come up to this [non-resist- 
ance]^ and other things, in that act : and it is upon 
this occasion," adds he, ^' worth your knowledge, that 
so great was the zeal in carrying on this church affair, 
and so blind was the obedience required, that, if you 
compute the time in passing this act with the time 
allowed for the clergy to subscribe the book of com- 
mon prayer thereby established, you shall plainly find, 
it could not be printed and distributed so as one man 
in forty could have seen and read the book they did so 
perfectly assent and consent to^." And the very 
worthy, eitcellent Dr. Clayton says, ^' 1 find, by the 
words of the act of parliament, which enjoins the de- 
claration of our assent and consent to all things con- 

* Clarendon's ContiDustion, vol. If. p. 298. ^ Letter to a peiibn 

of quality ; tfud Torbuck's Parliamentary Debates, vol. I. p. '73. Svow 
hood. 1741. 



the pfotestant ri^ligion, uniformity in opi- 

tailfcd in the Book of Common Prayer^ that the pur- 
port and' intent of the act is, that this declaration of 
igaenf Bhoald be only to the use of those things which 
are contained in the said book, which is very different 

firom assenting to the things themselves. How these 

iMrdsy to the use of, came to be omitted in the ex- 
press form of words that are ordered to be read in 
chandi for a legal qualification, I cannot say ; nor 
whether they were omitted out of neglect or by design : 
but\I own it seems to me, when I consider the humour 
of the times when that act was made, that it was done 
with design ; as a snate to oblige poor conscientious 
men/who did not read the act of parliament at length, 
U^'give up their livings rather than declare their un- 
feigned assent and consent to all and every thing con- 
tamll^ in the Book of Common tVayer. For it is to be 
observed, that this condition was not required by the 
act bf uniformity, as published in the time of queen 
Elizabeth ; but was an addition made thereto after the 
Bestbration of king Charles the Second, when the na- 
tidn was, a? it were, mad with the joy of having re- 
covered its antient constitution both in church and 
state: the little oath therefore, wherein it was declared, 
that^ is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to 
take arms against the king, was at the same time in- 
serted into the act of uniformity. Which part of that 
act^'iiath been since repealed ; and, indeed, I cannot 
but sincerely wish, that the other addition, which was 
made at the same time, was so far rectified, that the 
t^ords of the declaration should be made to correspond 
with the design of the act ; which manifestly was, to 
require the declaration of assent and consent only to 
e use of all and every thing contained in the book of 




90 THE LIVE 07 

nions concerning it, and in the external 

common prayer. Because I think that that soli 
declaration^ which a clergyman is obliged to make ill 
the presence of God and his congregation, wbea bM 
is going to take upon liimself the care of their ffouliy 
ought to be simple^ positive, plain; free from all aOBH 
biguity or doubtfuhiess : and should be expressed 111 
«uch a manner, a^ that it cannot be misunderstoodf 
either by him^ or by the congregation : but that; bfe 
may safely and honestly make it, according to dial 
plain and ordinary sense of the words in which l|l^ 
would be commonly understood by all mankind, witllr 
out any evasion, equivocation, or mental reserv^oa 
whatsoever; that is, without any latent reference to 
the intention of the act, which is not -expressed in ll|9 
Very words of the declaration.— —But though wi 
should suppose this was done, and that subscriplji^t 
were declared to be required for peace-sake ; yet there 
is still a difhculty which remains behind, with rc^gard 
to those who do not approve of all the articles of ikp 
established religion, or of every thing in the litnrg^v^^: 
because it is natural for them to desire, tliat thofie 
things, which they take to be errors, should be amend- 
ed : and yet it is found, by experience, that whoever 
attempts to find fault with the canons, or the aiticlea 
of religion, or the established form of liturgy, becomes 
immediately a disturber of the peace of the church, bm 
he is sure, at least, to be loaded with the opprobrioufr 
name of schismatic, or heretic; which, ever since the 
days of popery, are sounds that occasion wondroug 
horror in the ears of the vulgar*.'* — ^AU this seems ta 
proceed from an honest and a good heart. But 

»fi6wyoQS|>irit^ io tbe IMMation, p. 12— !& Sva lpad,i7^ 


. 9 


acts of worshipping the all*wiie and in- 

Conjbeare does not fall in with it.—-*" A subscription 
to articles/' says he^ "is a declaration of onr bdM| 
and implieliian assent to the truth of those propositiGMj 
which are containedin them. All tlie coaaidemtionsy 
therefore^ which can be urged to prove our obligation 
to moral honesty, are so many arguments of our duty 
to subscribe without equivocation or reserve : nor can 
any thing be urged to justify or excuse a prevarication 
in this respect, which will not tend to destroy all ma* 
tual trust and confidence amongst men. Whosoever, 
therefore, is not really perswaded, that the doctrines 
contained in all the articles are true, cannot subscribe, 
without an high violation of moral honesty, and a 
breaking in upon the fundamental principle on which 
all society must be built */' — This, indeed, seems to 
have been the sense of the legislature who enacted the 
law under consideration. For we are told, that "on July 
18th, 1663, a bill was sent up from the commons to 
the lords, intitled. An Act for the relief of such per- 
sons as by sickness, or other impediment, are disabled 
from subscribing the declaration in the act of uni- 
formity, and explanation of part of the said act. At 
the second reading in the house of lords, it was com- 
mitted. Some alterations and amendments were made 
by the committee, and a clause added of this tenor: 
' And be it enacted and declared, by the autho- 
rity aforesaid, that the declaration and subscription of 
Bssent and consent, in the said act mer^tioned, shall be 
vaderstood only as to the practice and obedience to the 
said act, and not otherwise.'' This additional* clause 
V^ agreed to by a majority; but twelve lords pro« 

I - 


* Cmc of Siibscription, j^ 24. Sto. I^nd. l73Sf 

— --'^^iiiMirt-iiii i- ii-T-~i '.-- ^' -' 


finitely-bqpwefolent -Father of the universe, 

tested against it^ as destructive of the Church of Eng- 
MMF a$ now OKtablished. When the bill was sent back 
Qp^e conuoonSi they desired a confereinse ; which 
wat^fielded fb^by the lords. Tbe^commons vehement- 
ly ^declaoed against the amendments and alterations 
of the Toi;ds> and the additional clause: and it was 
openly declared, by one of the managers on the part of 
the commons, That what was sent down to them, 
torching this- bill, had neither justice nor prudence ia 
it. When the conference was over, the lords voted 
an agreement with the commons, and dropped the ad- 
ditional clause before recited*." This, I believe, is 
pretty exact. For, on turning to the journals of the 
house of commons, I find, that, on July 18th, 1663, 
" an engrossed bill for relief of such as by sickness, or 
other impediments, were disabled from subscribing the 
declaration in the act of uniformity, and for explana- 
tion of part of the said act, was read : and, with some 
amendments, it was resolved, should pass.'* From the 
same authority it appears, " that on the 25th of the 
said month, the lords returned the said bill, with some 
amendments and alterations, to which they desired the 
concurrence of that house; who, not thinking fit to 
comply, desired a conference with the lords." Whe- 
ther the conference was held, or not, cannot be deter- 
mined from the journals. But on the next day we 
find a message from the lords, to acquaint them, ^' that 
they have agreed with the house in their amendments 
to the said bill." This put an end to the afiair. — To 
go on. — Be all this as it may — certain it is, that uqi- 

* Remarks on Dr. Powell's Sermon on Subscriptions, p. 17. 8to. Loud. 

CHARLES nt 93 

was attempted to be established ! In 

foraiity of public pfayers, and administration of the 
sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies, was aimed 
at ; though, as time has shewn, to very little purpose. 
'* I have observed/' says a very worthy dignitary of the 
chAch, " some worshippers in this church, and I have 
heard of more, who, the moment the minister begins 
the Athanasian Creed, shut their books and sit down 
till it is finished. Others there are, who signify> by 
their behaviour, their dissent to the use of certain im- 
precations in the Psalms, as highly improper in a 
Christian assembly, whether they who repeat them 
have any particular application for them, or not. There 
are still more, who express their embarrassment and 
dissatisfaction with other parts of the liturgy, and 

make no scruple to declare they never join in it*." 

Where there is no such dissatisfaction at any parts of 
the public offices, it is probably owing to- very different 
causes than reason and consideration^-^ — > — *^ Repair,*' 
says a spirited writer, '* but to the next scene of reli- 
gious worship, and contemplate there in your mind 
what parses in your view, and the nature of the pro^ 
ceedings : a numerous congregation, the votaries of an 
extensive district, and their strict concurrence to the 
nicest punctilia in all the doctrinal points there uttered, 
and bring me ingenuously your true judgment upon 
the matter. Is it possible that you will assert, that 
this harmonious flock are thus altogether reiHy giving 
a rational assent to all these curious articles, and pro- 
found theorems, when your experience, in the mean 
timcy assurer you, that the generality of these unani- 

' *■ Remarks on Dr. Powell's Sermon on Subscriptions, p. 26. 8vo. Lond. 


consequence of this, great numbers of eo 

mous coi^ssdrs have never, in their whole lives, be- 
stowed one single thought, in a speculative way, u|>on 
the truth or falsehood of that long train of propositions 
they so liberally avow i You must needs readily grant 
the contrary, and fall of course into my easy aco#mt 
of this strange proceeding, owning that it can only be 
the effect of the same spirit, that from the lips of thi^m 
all contrives to speak the same thing; that, by this 
means, though men cannot be all of one opinion, thej 
may of one faith ; which they hold, not in unity of 
understanding, but, as our liturgy well expresses it, 
in the bond of peace, and unity of spirit. A distioo* 
tion that can alone justify the consistency of the prao* 
tice, which must be otherwise unavoidably liable to 
reproach for its absurdity, and render its abettors veiy 
deservedly obnoxious to the apostle's censure of rearing 

altars to an unknown God*." In the preamble to 

the Act of Uniformity, complaint is made, '^ that, bj 
the neglect of using the Liturgy, great mischiefs and 
inconveniences have aiisen, and many people have 
been led into factions and schisms, to the great decay 
and scandal of the reformed religion of the Church of 
England, and to the hazard of many souls.'' And the 
same language has been used, from time to time, by 
men quite unacquainted with the nature of true reli- 
gion, though they have talked and written much about 
it. ^i^J^t they who talk so much of sects and divi- 
sions,"* says Mr. Locke, " would do well to consider 
too, whether those are not most authors and promotert 
of sects and divisions, who impose creeds, ceremonies^ 
and articles, of mens making ; and make things, not 

* Christianity not founded on Aipiment, p. 73. Svo. Lond* 174S. 



clesiastics were ejected fiom their livings. 

i^ecessary to salvation^ the necessary terms of com- 
munion; excluding and driving from them such as 
out of conscience and perswasion cannot assent and 
submit to them; and treating them as if they were 
utter aliens from the church of God, and such as were 
deservedly shut out as unfit to be members of it : who 
narrow Christianity within bounds of their own mak- 
ili^, and which the gospel knows nothing of; and often 
tbt things by themselves confessed indifferent, thrust 
filen cot of their communion, and then punish them 
ibr not being of it. Who sees not but the bond of 
irtiity might be preserved, in the different perswasions 
^ men concerning things not necessary to salvation. 
If they were not made necessary to church-commu- 
ttioD? What two thinlcing men of the Church of 
£ilfgland arc there, who differ not one from the other 
ill several material points of religion? who, neverthe* 
less, are members of the same church, and in unity 
me with another. Make but one of those points the 
Shibboleth of apart}', and erect it into an article of the 
national ehurch, and they are presently divided ; and 
he, of the two, whose judgment happens not to agree 
with national orthodoxy, is immediately cut off from 
itommunion. Who I beseech you is it, in this case, 
that makes the sect? ts it not those who contract 
iiii^ church of Christ within limits of their own con* 
trivance? who, by articles and ceremonies of their own 
ibrming, separate from their communion all that have 
kdt perswasions which just jump in with their model! 
Tb friyolons here to pretend authority. No man has, 
or can have, authority to shut any one out of the 
isfaarch of Christ, for that which Christ himself will not 
shat him out of heaven. Whosoever does so^^ is truly 


But, as many of them, through con- 

the author and promoter of schism and division ; sets 
up a secty and tears in pieces the church of Christ ; of 
which every one, who believes and practises what is 
necessary to salvation, is a part and member ; and can- 
not, without the guilt of schism^ be separated from or 
kept out of its external communion. In this lording 
it over the heritage of God, and thus overseeing by 
imposition on the unwilling, andnotconsenting^whtbh 
seems to be the meaning of St. Peter, most of the lul^ 
ing sects, which so mangle Christianity, had their o^ 
ginaly and continue to have their support : and were it* 
not for these established sects under the specions 
names of national churches, which, by their contrai(4Ml 
and arbitrary limits of communion, justify agf^nA 
themselves the separation and like narrowness of otbelij^ 
the difference of opinions, which do not so much be* 
gin to be, as to appear and be owned under toieratfasttir, 
would either make no sect or division ; or else, if they" 
were so extravagant as to be opposite to what is neoeiff^ 
sary to salyation, and so necessitate a separation; thfit 
clear light of the gospel, joined with strict discipline 
of manners, would quickly' chase them out of the 
world. But whilst needless impositions, and most 
points in divinity, are established by the penal laws 
of kingdoms and the specious pretences of authority} 
what hopes are there, that there should be such a uniflli 
amongst Christians, any where, as might invite a rll- 
tional Turk or infidel to embrace a religion, whereof faie 
is told they have a revelation from God, which yet ini 
some places he is not suffered to read, and in no -placis 
shall be permitted to understand for himself, or to fol- 
low according to the best of his understanding, wheB 
it shall at all thwart (though in things confessed not 


science}- others through necessity; and 

necessary to solvation) any of those select points^ in 
doctrine, discipline, or outward worship, whereof the 
national church has been pleased to make up its arti- 
cles, polity, and ceremdoies^r" 1 hese are consi- 
derations of weight wilii such as regard the true faith, 
more than civil utility ; the true end for which, if we 

believe a certain writer, religion is established. 

Some other effects of establishments are mentioned, 
which I think propo"^ to insert, in order to give the 
reader a tolerable idea of their nature and tendency. 
'^ The moment any religion becomes national or es- 
tablished," says a very ingenious gentleman, " its 
purity must certainly be lost, because it is then impo»- 
sil^f. t^. keep it unconnected with mens interests ; and, 
if QO^iiected, it must inevitably be perverted by them. 
Whenever temporal advantages are anuex'd toany re- 
ligions profession, they will be sure to call in 9II those 
who have no religion at all. Knaves will embrace it 
for the sake of interest ; fools will follow them for the 
sake of fashion: and when it is once in such hands. 
Omnipotence itself can never preserve its purity. 
That very order of men who are maintained to sup- 
port its interests, will sacrifice them to their own : and 
being in the sole possession of all its promises, and 
all its terrors ; and having the tenderness of childhood, 
the weakness of age, and the ignorance of the vulgar, 
to work upon; I say, these men, vested with all these 
powers, yet, being but men, will not fail to convert 
all the mighty influence they must derive from them, 
to the selfish ends of their own avarice and ambition ; 
and, consequently, to the total destruction of its orir 

. • Third Letter on Tolentkm, p. 83, iUK Lon '. 169S 
VOL. V. H 

98 THE UF£ OF 

some, perhaps out of opposition to those 

ginal purity. From it, tbey will lay claim to power* 
vhich it never designed them; and to possessions/ to 
whieh they have no right Tp.make good these false 
pretensions, false histories wUtjbit forged, and fabuloaa 
traditions invented : groundl^ terrors will be flnng 
out, to operate on superstition and timidity : creed* 
and articles will be contrived, to confound all reasoa : 
and teats imposed, to sift out all who have honesty or 
courage to resist these unwarrat^ble encroachments). 
Devotion will be tum'd into farce and pageantry, t» 
captivate mens eyes, that their pockets may with more 
fi^ility be iwaded. They will convert piety into s«- 
pefStiUcn ; zeil into rancour; and this religion^ not 
ISlthstaading all its divinity, into diabolical 
lence« By degje^f knaves will join them i'PBMs 
ttdievf ^4^ein ; and cowards be afraid of them : and„ 
bff ing gain'd so considerable a part of the world U> 
their intciests, they will erect an independent dominion 
aiaoiig thcmsftlygs, dangerous to the liberties of main 
lund ; and ffuiesenting all those who oppose their ty-^ 
ranny as Gkid's enemies, teach it to be meritorious in 
his sight to peipecute them in this world, and damn 
tilflia in another. Hence must arise hierarchies, in-^ 
qnisitJioBB, ^nd popery : for popery is but the consum-^ 
ination of that tyranny which every religious system in^ 
the hands of men is in perpetual pursuit of, and whose 
.principles they are all ready to qdopt whenever they 
are fortunate enough to meet with its success. This 
tyranny caonot subsist without fierce and' formidable 
opposition : from whence innumerable sects, schisms^ 
and dissentions, will lift up their contentious heada^ 
each gaping for that very power which they are fight- 
ing to destroy, tbo' unable either to acquire er retain. 



Vtoa^ wkorn they had received such un» 
rigbteoua usage, continued to exercise their 

it ; ancl intfodiiciive only of their constant coocomt** 
twU» ignorance, self-conceit, iil-breeding, obstiaacy, 
aaarcl^f and coafusioo. From these contests; ail 
kinds of evils m^st deriFe their existence ; bloodshed 
ftnd desolifttion, persecutions, massacres, and martyr- 
dooifl. All these evils, you see, are but the necessary 
G0iiseqiieiM>e9 of the national establidiment of any re* 
ligioQ which God can conunanicate to man, in whose 
hands its divinity can never long preserve iu purity, 
pr keep it unmix'd with his imperfections, his foliy, 

€«d wickedness */'-—- What a picture t—*^—^Bat 

Q<9twithstA0jdiQg all that has or can be sfdd, coneeming 
the Ai^hiefs and inconveniences of the establishment 
0( rites find ceremonies^ — and nothing but these can 
possibly be estahliithed, — son^e men are very fond of 
ity as a mean of promoting neligion in the world. The 
IMe of externals, by these gendemeq, is much insisted 
; ms^ to the neglect of thm is imputed the cor- 
i^T the age^-^1 — ^' The fem of religion may in. 
^i^ )n^^ '09^ ^^^ 'ste excellent bishop Butler, when 
eommeayeed churcbist, ^ where there is little of the 
thing itself; but the thing itself eaqnot be preserved 
4WQ«gst niefllnnd without tlie form. And this form 
^frequently (occurring in some instance or other of it, 
^}M be A finquent admonition U^ bad men to repent, 
Md to good men to grow hetter; and also be the 
atoeana of their doing so. Th0 which men )iave ac- 
connted religion in the several countries of t||te world, 
generally speaking, has had a great and conspicuous 

* Free ]&iiquii7 into the Nature and Origin of ^vi|, p. 184. 12m9. l/iu^ 



100 THE LIFE OF < 

functions in private assemblies ; afld ftiet 
with countenance and encourjigement froHnf 

part in all publiek appearances, and the face of it haa 
been kept up with great reverence throughoat all 
ranks, from the highest to the lowest; not only upon 
occasional solemnities, but also in the daily course of 
behaviour. In the heathen world, their superstition 
was the chief subject of statuary, sculptuife, painting; 
and poetry. It mixt itself with business, civil forms, 
diversions, domestick entertainments, and every p«il 
of common life. The Mahometans are obliged to sho#t 
devotions five times between morning and evening. In 
Roman catholick countries, people cannot pass a da;^ 
without having religion call'd to their thoughts bj 
some or other memorial of it ; by some ceremony, ior 
publiek religious form occurring in their way : besides 
their frequent holidays, the short prayers they arfc 
daily celled to, and the occasional devotions injoined 
by confessors. By these means their superstition sinfai^ 
deep into the minds ^of the people, and their religil 
also into the minds ofUiuch among them as are^licbrif 
and well-disposed. Our reformers, considerinj^ t1 
some of these observances were in themselves wrong 
and superstitious, and others of them made subservient 
to the purposes of superstition, abolished them, re- 
duced the form of religion to great simplicity, and 
injoined no more particular rules, nor left any thing 
more of what was external in religion, than was, in a 
manner, necessary tajpreserve a sense of religion itself 
upon tl|| minds of the people. But a great part of 
this is neglected by the generality amongst us. For 
instance: the service of the church, not only upon 
common days, but also upon saints days : and several 




those to whom they ministered, as well as 
from persons of moderation and virtue, 

other things might be mentioned V Degenerate 

times indeed ! times to be lamented and mourned over! 
Our reformers, by tfaiis account, seem to have been 
much in the wrong, by depriving us of the means the 
pious catholics, in imitation of their forerunners the 
heathen priests, had instituted and appointed for our 
growth in piety and holiness. However, he who calls 
to mind what pure and undefiled religion is, and is 
careful to practise it, need not be much troubled in 
conscience, though he has neglected the service of 
the church, not only upon common days, but also 
upon saints' days ; or even omitted the holy rite of 
confirmation, on which some very extraordinary per- 
sons have talked with great solemnity. For what are 
these in his eye 

" That doth preCer, 

Before all temples, th' upright htwt and pure ?" 


But, to put an end to this l^flg^ very long note : 
Non-resistance, by the act of umJFormityy we see, was 
established ; and the covenant condemned, which had 
been taken by his majesty in Scotland, and contributed 

greatly to his restoration. Colonel Birch, in this 

very house of commons, observed, ^' after be had the 
honor to come into this house, some intentions were 
to renew the covenant. Cromwell, Ireton, and the 
rest, would not have it done. He said then, that 
these men would alter the government, and the boase 

then would have sent them to the Tower. He nev^ 

jE^aw such mettle in this house. He had (pxtj notei 

• Cha^e to the Clergy, p. 14. 4to. T-cnd. 175^ 

■ ■■ fcl 


though of different persuasions : as this^ I 
gay. Was the case, various laws were made '% 

•€Bt him : ' Stick to the covenant, and you tball die/ 
This w«8 bis greatest inducemepl to stick to it— 
Not ooe of these men could be liinught to changeohe 
government. Love lost his life for it. The preabj- 
terian party declared against ihe kings murder. To 
the restoration of the king all agreed. Had he not 
engaged for the king by the covenant, he had pro- 
Tented himself twenty-one imprisonments he haa suf* 
fered. When the king virds restored, these were the 

tnen we only durst tmst *" ^A fine return this from 

a grateful monarch ! to make men renounce what thej 
had sworn to ; and belie their consciences, for the pra* 
•ervation of which they bad suffered so much, and bj 
•o doing had promoted his interest. 

" Laws were made against the nonconfontiists---*-^ 
and rigorously executed by the instigation of the pre- 
lates.] It is daid, on good authority, that his late mar 
jesty, king George IL in the early part of his reign, did 
dM^lare, '' that Act aa bair of the head of any one of hit 
itibjectt should be hurt on account of religions opi- 
nion, so long as he wore the British crown \'' A 
dedttitioa thii worthy of so good a prince, and faith^ 
foDy, if I remember right, adhered to by him« Not 
io flia |:ace of the Stuarts. Their choice it was, io feu 
tar the fireo4iQm minds of men, and render them 6b^ 
dknt to theit galling yoke. The severe lawa enacted 
by Elittabetb, inheritrijc of her father's tyrannical spi- 
ritf Ml Mpoiitit of religion, were confirmed and enlarged 
by ttttitft^ and inany ask honest and good man smarted 


* Grey's Parliamentary DeUfttes, toI. IL p. 46. ^ P)|j|)adittii|, 

f . 133. 8vo. L(lil. nSS. 


iirom time to time, against thsta and their 

under dbem. The governors of the commonwealth, 
and Cromwell, indeed, saw the absurdity and iniquity 
on which they were founded; and, therefore, made 
little or no use of them. But when Chailes 11. revi- 
sited his native land, and he had got a parliament after 
his own heart, they soon became again in vogue ; and 
the people found, to their cost, that, like his fathers, he 
was a persecutor. The Act of Uniformity, we have 
jifst seen, deprived multitudes of their subsistence oh 
account of their religious opinions ; and the acts that 
followed were far from easing those who had suffered 

by it. 1 will give a short abstract of the penal laws 

made in this reign, that the reader may be convinced 
that persecution was not unjustly complained of under 

it. By one statute it was ordained, " That any 

person, above sixteen years old, present at any meeting 
under pretence of exercise of religion, in other man- 
ner than is allowed by the Liturgy or practice of the 
Church of £ngland, where there shall be present five 
persons, or more, above those of the household, upon 
proof thereof made, either by confession of the party^ 
or oaUi of witness, or notorious evidence of the fact, 
the offence shall be recorded under the hands of two 
justices, or the chief magistrate of the place, which 
shall be a perfect conviction; who, thereupon, may 
send such person to jail, or the house of correc- 
tioti, for any time not exceeding three mtmths; unless 
he or she pay down so much money, Hot exceeding 
five pounds, as the said justices or chief magistrate 
shall impose, (or the second offence, imprisonment, 
Bot exceeding six months ; unless money paid, not ex- 
ceeding ten pounds. — And persons so offending the 
third time, were to be sent to the goal, or house of 



adherents, which were executed with great 

correction, there to remain until the next' sepsiony or 
assizes, and then to be indicted; and being thereupon 
found guilty, the court was to enter judgment of trans- 
portation against such offenders, to some of the foreiga 
plantations (Virginia and New-England only exc^t* 
ed), there to remain seven years; and warrants were to 
issue to sequester the profits of their lands, ox to 
distrain and sell their goods, to defray the charges of 
their transportation ; and for want of such charges being 
paid, the sheriff had liberty to contract with any mas- 
ter of a ship, or merchant, to transport them. Upon 

paying down, however, one hundred pounds, the trans- 
portation was to be discharged. And if any, under 

such judgment of transportation, shall escape, or, being 
transported, return int^) any part of England, they were 
to suffer death as felons without benefit of clergy V* 

AH persons in holy orders, or pretended holy 

orders, who had not declared their assent and consipnt 
to the Book of Common Prayer, according to the Act 
of Uniformity; and did not take and subscribe the 
oath of Nonrresistance therein contained ; together 
with all such as should take upon them to preach in 
any conventicle of meeting, for exercise of religion 
contrary to law ; were not (unless only in passing the 
road) to come, or be within five miles of any city, town 
corporate, or borough, that sends burgesses to parlia- 
ment; nor within five miles of anyplace where they* 
had officiated, pr taken upon them to preach ; upon 
pain of forfeiting forty pounds for such offence. Nor 
was any person so restrained, or wlio should not take 
tbfijs^d oath, and frequent divine service, to teach aDT'>' 

^Stat* 16 Car. II.e.i. 


^^ teiMtES II. lOS 

tigdiiF, byl^ iiisdigation and cncourage- 

fdl^lK^fW'tike any boarders or tablers that were taught 
li^'Wy otbfer, oii pain likewise of forfeiting forty 
Lcl^> And two justices, upon oath made of any o& 
egainst'the act, were to commit the offender for 
• iffi^iBonthSy wifhofitbail or mainprize*." " One 

'•Jtettefe^ or thief nfagistrate, on tlie oath of two wit- 
ness was to make a record of a conventieley where 

' ^y five persons, above sixteen years of age (besides 
ittrarse of tfte saine household), should be assembled, for 
jlfe^ex^lcisie^f religion, in any other manner than acj= 

^/j^^iii'g' to the Xiturgy sfnd practice of the Church of 
IfeiljiiiiDdi which reeord was to be a conviction, and 
IJK^iipon a-firie pf five shillings was to be imposed 

''^' bpk!^ fevery oflFieiuler, which was to be certified to the 
BJeilt quarter sessions. And for the second, and every 
ii^ft^r offence, ten shillings each : and in case of po- 
Vlhty, it -Is ^owed to be levied on any other persons 
'i^ds, present at the same conventicle. The preacher 
was to forfeit for the .first offence twenty pounds, and 
4!Sttj af^erwafds, which might be levied on any of the 
Bearers. Tbose who suffered a meeting to be in their 
hbuse, barn, -Or yard, were to forfeit twenty pounds; 
which mij^t likewise be levied on the goods of any 

, pMssent: ][!^o!;vlded that no person pay above ten pounds 
Tor any one meeting, in regard of the poverty of any 
Aher person ^r piiSrsons.- Forfeitures incurred by mar- 
women, ^ere to be levied on their husbands 

goods**." These statutes need no comment. 

They were all except the last, the projection of lord 
Clarendon-; and will i*efiect disgrace on his name and 
lildniiDiBinftion, as long as there is sense, virtue, or 

i^M'^:* Stat iJI^Gar. II. c. S. ^ SUt 22 Car. II. c. t . 




106 THE Lira O? 

ment of t^e ptelates. — ^In Scotland, mat- 

hamaoity, in the world.— «^-^Tb«t the^e. Umnwtx^^ 
figoroQBly executed, our historiei abundantly uii&Hjm i 

That the prelates instigated the execution of thoHk 
will not be donbted by any oile who re^ what tw- i 

lows. Sheldon^ archbishop of Caoterboiy, in a letteit ~J^ 
to the bishops of bis province, dated Lambetb^ioaie^ # 
May 7, 1670, says, '^ It hath pleased his 
the two houses of parliament, out of their piouB caMK >. 
for the welfare of this church and kingdonii bj makki^t 
and publishing the late act for presenting and mi^ 
pressing conventicles, to lay a hopeftil way for t^t^' ,, 
peace and settlement of the diurchj and the unifornuty 
of Gods service in the same; it becomes us, thebir 
shops, as more particularly sensible of the good proTi- 
dence of God, to endeavour, as moch as in us lies, the 
promoting so blessed a work : and therefore hayii||g 
well considered what will be fit for me to dq in "mf 
particular diocese, I thought fit to recomii^d tlvl 
same council and method (which I intend, God willing^ 
to pursue myself) to your lordship, and the rest of m^ 
brethren the bishops of my province, being thereanto 
encouraged by his majesty's approbation and express 

direction in this affair. Your lordship is desired to 

tccommend to the ecclesiastical judges and officaiy, 
and the clergy of your diocese, the care of the peopltf 
under their respective jurisdictions and charges, that 
in their several places they do their best to perswadir 
and win all non-conformists and dissenters to obedience 
to his majesty's laws, and unity with the church; and 
such as shall be refractory, to endeavour to reduce by 
the censures of the church, or such other good means 
as shall be most conducing thereunto: to itdich end 
I advise, that all and every of the said .eoclesia9tical 



ters were still worse. '^ Episcopacy, 

judges and officers, &ad every of the clergy of your 
diocese, and the churchwardens of every parish, bf > 
their respective ministers, be desired, in their reapect- 
ive stations and placet^ that they take notice of all non- 
conformists, holders, frequenters, maintainers, abettors 
of conventicles and unlawful assemblies, under pretence 
of religious worship, especially of the preachers and 
teachers in them, and of the places wherein the same 
are held, ever keeping a more watchful eye over xtut 
cities and greater towns, from whence the mischief it 
for the most part derived into the lesser villages md 
hamlets: and wheresoever they find such wilful of- 
fenders, thai then, with a hearty affection to the wor* 
ship of God, the honour of the king and his laws, and 
the peace of the church and kingdom, they do address 
themselves to the civil magistrate, justices, and others 
concerned, imploring their help and assistance, for pre- 
venting and suppressing of the same, according to the* 

late said act in that behalf made and set forth." ^Tbe 

bishops and clergy, we may well think, were not want- 
ing in theit duty ; especially as we find the archdeacon 
of Lincoln earnestly desiring the parishes, within his 
jurisdiction, to take especial regard to perform what- 
soever was required in the above letter; and adding, 
** how you shall discharge your duty therein, I shall 

expect an account at the next Visitation." In the 

year 1683, the justices of peace for the county of 
Devon, '* agreed and resolved, in every division of the 
county^ to require sufficient sureties for the good abear- 
ing and peaceable behaviour of all such as they might 
justly Buspecti or receive any credible information 
against, that they have been at any conventicles and 
unlawful meetings, or any factious or seditious clubs^; 


and its -:JBbl;endants, so abominable at that 

or that have by any discourses discovered themselves 
;;^j.fe be disaflTected to the present established government 
citbcar in church or state ; or tt||it have been the authon 
orpublishersofany seditious libels; or that shall not, in 
all things^ duly confovm themselves to the present 
established government. And being fully satis- 
fied, as well by the clear evidence of the late horrid plot 
{Lord Russell's] as by their own long and sad experience, 
that the non-conformist preachers are the authors and 
Ibmcnters of this pestilent faction, and the implacable 
enemies of the established government, and to whom 
the late execrable treasons, which have had such dis- 
mal effects in this kingdom, are principally to be im* 
puted ; and who, by their present obstinate refusing to 
take and subscribe an oath and declaration, that thej 
do not hold it lawful to take up arms against the king, 
and that they will not endeavour any alteration of go- 
vernment in church or state ; do necessarily enforce us 
to'bonclude, that they are still ready to engage them- 
selves (if not actually engaged) in some rebellious con- 
spiracy against the king, and to invade and subvert his 
government : Wherefore," say they, *' we resolve in 
every parish, in this county, to leave strict warrants in 
the hands of all constables, for the seizing of such per- 
sons. And, as an encouragement to all officers and 
others that shall be instrumental in the apprehending 
of any of them, so as they may be brought to justice, 
we will give and allow forty shillings, as a reward for 
every non-conformist preacher that shall be so secured. 
And we resolve to prosecute them, and all other such 
dangerous enemies of the government, and common 
absenters from church, and frequenters of conventicles, 
/according to the directions of a law made in the five* 


time, in the eyes of the majority of the peo- 

aod-thirtieth year of the reign of queen Elizabeth, 
entitled, An Act for keeping her Majesties subjects in 

due obedience.**— " This order, which will appear a 

sery cruel one to most readers, was happy enough, 
however, to meet with the approbation and applause 
of the'«^right reverend diocesan ; who, as he tells the 
world, that the continued cai*e of his majesties justices 
of the peace for the county of Devon, for the safety 
of bis majesties sacred person, the preservation of the 
publick peace, and advancement of true religion, may 
be fuller known, and have a better effect, ordered and 
required all the clergy of his diocese, within the county 
•f Devon, deliberately to publish this order the next 
Sunday after it should be tendered to them*/' — — If 
any one is desirous of knowing the tiame of such a 

wretch, it was Lamrplugh. The Middlesex justices^ 

at the general quarter sessions, Oct. 14, 1681, declared^ 
" that all house-keepers, within the coutity, who kept 
ale-houses, and other publick-houses for entertainment, 
by virtue of any licence, and should not go to their 
parish-churchy and receive the sacrament according to 
the practice j^f the Church of Englaild, or should go to 
any conventicle, should have their licenses taken from 

them." ^They also farther declared, " that if the 

churchwardens and overseers of the poor should dis- 
pose of any of the parish money by way of pension, or 
otherwise, to poor people who freqtent convasMdes, 
and do not come to their parish-church, and reCffN the 
tacrament there (exjcept in case of sickness and neces- 
sity to be allowed by a justice of peace), the money 

• See the Dedication to Long's Sermon on the Original of W^ar. 4to. Lond. 



pie, were now again introduced ; conformity 

paid to such people should not be allowed by the jus- 
tices id the accounts of the churchwardens and over- 
seers of the poor, because such persons who never 
come to the parish-church, ought not to be reckoned 

of the parish." This order was so acceptable to the 

king, that his majesty thanked the justices for it*. 
- ■ Dr. Pope tells us, " that bishop Ward was for 
the act against conventicles, and laboured much to get 
it pass, not without the order and direction of the 
greatest authority, both civil and ecclesiastical, not oat 
of enmity to the dissenters pewons, as they unjnstij 
suggested, but of love to the repose and welfare of 
the government: for he believed if the growth of tbem 
were not timely suppressed, it would either cause a 
necessity of a standing army to preserve the peaee, or 
h general toleration; which would end in poperj, 
whither all things then had an apparent tendencj. 
That act had this effect: it shewed the dissenters were 
not so numerous and considerable as they gave them- 
selves out to be^ designing thereby to make the go^ 
vernment believe it was impracticable to quell them ; 
for where this act was duly executed, it put an end to 
their meetings, as it was evident in his diocese : for iji 
Salisbury there was not one conventicle left; and but 
a few in the skirts of Wiltshire bordering upon Somex^ 
$ct, where, for want of a settled militia, by reason of 
the poo-age of the duke of Somerset, the lord-lieate- 
naot^^ that county, they sometimes met in woods; 
but, upon complaint, their meetings were suppressed, 
and his majesty was pleased to own and accept this as 
good service to the publick, and to encourage the 

* Gazette, No. 1660. 

• !*♦ 


in all points 'to them was enacted; and 
cruel laws, barbarously executed, were 

bishop in it\Y^rm^ When the priest turns atheist,'' it 
is natural to suppose, that he will labour to get and 
execute such laws as these ! but all such as believe the 
great truths of religion, will execrate and abhor them, 

and the authors of them. " God and nature seem 

to delight in variety; and in making men and women, 

iiUiliJthe world, of different features, ayres, dimensions, 

^^i^mplexions, 8cc. And how do we know that Almighty 

^r^od is so much displeased with variety of opinions, 

also, as some men imagine i Though we have different 

IflPbjsiognomies, and different eye-sights; yet we all 

ylp^ilj^e to be men. And though we have different 

i^^|j||i^^Wts, minds, and opinions; some more clear, 

^ ImM toioe more purblind; yet we may all continue 

jid|jhriitiini. But suppose other men do not (cannot for 

'^^teir Uvti) see so well as we, or so well as the synod^ 

^ W ^e magistrate : must we therefore pull out or put 

^^ JBtf tifaitir eyes ; deliver them to the devil firsthand then 

"^ ^^^^ gOiU^apyd after all to the pit of hell ; and for ex- 

p^ltkuMdEe thither with the more ^peed (until the 

- t-^t A kmreHeo comJmrmdo was cancdl'd) with fire and 

Isfgptftf -^^Thus spoke an honest ecclesiastic of those 

tiai0pir^ABd honest Andrew Marvel, who also lived in 

and withjndignation saw the spirit of them, de-r 

I, *^ that k^iras bo great adventure to say, that the 

.4fipM was better ordered under the antient monarchies 

Jj^.ooaiiiioiiwealibs ; that the number of virtuous men 

ji|i tlien gseacer ; and that the Christians found fairer 

<)fiHpCei||*linder llioi^^,tban among themselves. Nor 

•IifeofWira^pi68. ^N»k«dTrutb.iniftii.2dtdit.p.l2. 


means made use of to induce mei) to com* 
. ply " with a ibim of church goverunient, 

hath there any advantage accrued iima,liiaiikin<i!, from 
that most perFect and (iractical model of hiiouta society^ 
except ihd speculation of a better way to future happi- 
ness, concerning nhicli the very guides disagree, and of 
those few that fotlnw, no utnn is suH'ered lo pass with- 
out paying at their turnpikes. Al\ which hath pup- 
cecded from no other reason, hut that men, in&tead.a|jb 
acjuaring their governments hy the rule of Christi«tUUU|jj| 
have shaped Christianity hy the measiirts of^ 
vernment; have reduced that strait line by thecrook^i 
and, bungling divine and human things togethei 
been always hacking and hewing one another, ( 
an irregular Ggure of political incongruity^ 
Wliatever has been the behaviour of men calleif 
tians, and dignified and distinguished hj titles denc^ 
high pretensions to sanctity, " we ougiic iu Justii 
witli iord. Lyttleton, " to own, tliat oo bookj that 4 
was writ b; tbe most acute free-thiukers, is su repu^^ 
to priestcraft, to spiritual tyrauny, to all weak super 
tious of every kind, to all that can tend to distuib os,Jf 
prejudice human society, as that which they so SQiiij^^ 
affect to despise"," and whigh persecutors haveimM^.. 
ously dared to vouch as aothorlty iu behalf, of j^jffl^ 
barbarities. . .,|l ,^' 

" Cruel laws were made -twf of in Scotland, toirtt^j 
duce men to comply witli modes and forms of religf4^j|^,.' 
The Scots had been eminently loyal, aa appears fh*{ft- 
the foregoing notes, to Charles II. They, bad ven^uji^'' :.; 
their lives and fortunes in his 9ajue; and, R^j;^|^^ 

' ' Slate TraoU in Ihe time of Charles II. rol. I, p. 80. fill. Load. IGJ^ ,,_ 
'DialoguCToTtlieMul, p. SOI. Sto. Unid. 1760. "'*'• 

CHARLES 11. lis 

to which they had a fixed, natural aversion. 

'very unwillingly submitted to the yoke of their con- 
querors. Awed by armies^ forts, and garrisons, they 
dared not again recur to arms : but they spoke in the 
most intelligible manner itt behalf of their king, and 
wished his return in no very obscure terms. The 
preachers, in particular, were bold; and relying on 
the place in which they spake, and the esteem in which 
their function was held by their auditors, they uttered 
their thoughts freely ^concerning his majesty's right, 
though in guarded expressions. — Captain Langley, in 
a letter to Thurloe, dated Leith, Sept. SO, 1658, says, 
" Sir, as to that of the Scots blessing God, that he had 
heard them in some things, they spake it mystically ; 
fbrtjnflt as the news came of the death of his H. 
[(Njjipip, they declared a fast to be kept the saboath 
fblloimg, and spake those words as a motive to in- 
corage the people to keep the day. That they dailie 
pray for their king in such terms as these : That the 
Lord, would be merciful to the exiled, and all those 
that are in captivitie; and that once more he would 
cause thdm -fo return with sheaves of joy. And some 
speak in plaint terms against the government. They 
pray under the terms of being delivered from the yoke 
of Pharoah, Egyptian bondage, or the task-master of 
Egypt, 8cc. They use several imprecations; praying 
for the confusion of all tyrants, and from enemies, and 
all their oppressors and afflictors, &c desiring God to 
cut them off, to shorten their time, thereby hasting 
their deliverance, and giving ease to his people, mean- 
ing themselves, &c. Thus they speake; but so am- 
biguously, that they can evade, if questioned ; yet so 
plainly, that the whole people knows their meaning: 
soe that the premises considered, it is easy to under- 

VOL, v« 1 



114 fHE LIFE OF 

Great complaints hereupon followed, 

stand that they praysed God, that he had heard them 
in taking away his highness, which they lake to be 
the beginning of what Grod hath farther to do for 
them, as to that deliverance tliey farther expect and 
pray for; promising the people> that God will yet 
bring forth further deliverance to them*." In this 
spirit they continued till the Restoration; when their 
hopes of happiness by his majesty were quickly put 
an end to, and Charles proved infinitely more their 
oppressor and persecutor, than the commonwealth of 
England, or Cromwell. — By virtue of a letter fioin 
the kingi a proclamation was issued by the privy- 
council, for establishing episcopacy in Scotland. This 
was ccmfirmed by the parliament in 1662, who, ia 
imitation of the English, enacted also a declara^jl^ to 
be subscribed, wherein the solemn league ancM^ve- 
nant were termed unlawful, and their obligation aani 
to be vt)id. Ministers who chose not to receive ad* 
missibn and collation from bishops, as few of thenk 
did* were sentenced by acts of council to banishment; 
and sutch as would not attend their sucoCMora^ wener 
heavily fined, according to their circamttances. That 
these are no caiumnie^ will appear from the act of 
council against ministers, dated Edinburgh, Dec. 7, 
1665, in which " the lords of his majesty's privy- 
council do command and charge all ministers that have 
relinquished, or been deposed from their ministry, bj 
their ordinary, witlun forty days, to remove them- 
selves, their families and goods belonging to tbem^ 
out of their respective parishes \yhere they w«re in* 
cumbentSy and not to reside within twenty wiktB e£ 

* Thorloe, voir m p. M6i 

CHARLES It. 115 

in both kingdoms; as Well from standers- 

the same^ or within si^ ihiles of Edinbnrgby or any 
cathedral church, or three miles of any burgh royal 
'within this kingdom ; or reside two of them within one 
parish : with certification, if they fail to remove them- 
selves as said is, and to give exact obedience hereunto 
(unless they have tlie permission of the lords of the 
privy-council, lords of his majesty's commission for 
church affairs, or of the bishop of the diocese), they 
are to incur the penalties of the laws made against 
movers of sedition, and to be proceeded against with 
that strictness wliich is due to so great a contempt of 
his majesty's authority over church ahd state. And 
do hereby inhibit and discharge all heritors and housc^ 
holders, in burgh or land, to give any presence or 
countenance to any one or more of those ministers, re- 
moved by this present act, to. preach or exercise any 
act of the office of a minister: with certification if they, 
after publication hereof, shall presume so to do, they 
are to be proceeded against according to law : and 
'4M)fiaAiai»fhlg and re(]uiring all sheriffs, 8ic. to make 
difigcfot vjStttA^irithin their respective jurisdictions, if 
Cmy sMh'lBkiiAtei's as fall within the compass of this 
or th^ tir'6 other acts of council aforesaid, do reside 
within tlie bolmds tberein prohibited, and to seize up- 
Oa and imprison their persons, ay and while they find 
sufficient caution to compear before the lords of his 
thajesty's coimcil or commissionV-^On the 11th 
Oct. 1666, a proclamation was published for procuring 
obediertce to ^clesiastical autfiorityi In this, after 
fncntioning tfce acts of parliament and council against 
Such as refused obedience in church affairs ; and observ- 

• Wodrow's Hist. vol. I. Appendix, p. 84. 

I 9, 




by, as the sufferers. To silence which, de» 

ing that, throu^ the neglect of their rigorous execor. 
tion, they hadnot produced the effect they might have 
done : after this, I say, " it charges and commandsy in 
his majesties name, all masters of families, that tbej 
cause their domestick servants, grieves, chamlierlaiiis, 
and others entertained by them, to give obedience to 
the laws aforesaid, and acts of council; and particularly, 
that they frequent the publick worship and ordinances 
at their own parish-churches, and participate of the 
sacraments, and abstain from all conventicles and 
private meetings ; and that they retain none in their 
service but such as they will be answerable for : and ia 
case of their disobedience, that they remove them cat 
of their service immediately after intimation thereof 
by the minister of the parish : as also, that all heritors^ 
landlords, and liferenters, who have granted any tacks 
or rental to their tenants, which are yet standing un- 
expired, cause their tenants and rentallers to give 
sufficient bond and surety for obeying t{ie said acts of 
parliament smd council, and specially for £[e<2;a^Kb|iy|| 
publick worship and ordinances, as aai^ -iSi '^9g^ m)>» 
staining from private meetings ; and, if.i^ul^lNe, that 
they raise letters under the signet of our priivjp'^conncily 
and charge them, for that effect, upon six days ; and, 
in case of disobedience, to denounce them to our 
horn, and registrate the same; for which end, warrant 
is given to direct letters, in their name, against all and 
sundry their tenants and rentallers : and we do declare^ 
that we will give and. bestow the escheats, falling to ns 
by the said hornings, , upon the landlords and setters 
of these tacks and rentals, in so far as may be extend- 
ed unto: recommending hereby to our treasurer- 
principal, and treasurer-depute, and others of our ex- 



ebequer, to grant thcL same accordingly : and in case 
the tenants be removeable, and refuse to give obedi- 
ence, that they warn and pursue them to remove, and 
obtain decreets of ejection against them : and that no 
heritor, landlord, or liferenter, set their lands hereafter 
to any person, by word or writ, but to such as they 
will be answerable for, as said is: and that they take 
surety from them, by provisions and obligements to be 
insert in their tacks, or otherwise by bond apart, in 
case there be no writ, that the said tacksmen, ren- 
tallers, and all others their hindes, cottars, and servants, 
who shall live under them upon the said lands, shall 
give obedience in manner aforesaid ; otherwise, that 
their tacks, rentals, and whole interest, right, and 
possession, shall be void and expire, ipso facto, as if 
they had never been granted ; and that without any 
declarator, or further process, and then as now, and 
now as then, that they shall renounce all right that 
they shall have thereto, and shall remove themselves 
without any warning ; and in case of failure, the land- 
lords and others are to charge and denounce them in 
manner aforesaid. As likewise that all magistrates of 
royal burrows take special care and notice, and be 
answerable, that the burgesses and inhabitants be 
obedient to the aforesaid acts of parliament and 
council; and that they cause charge such of them as 
they shall think fit, and are suspected, to give bond 
and surety, as said is: and for the magistrates own 
belief, in case they contravene, and if they fail, to 
denounce them in manner aforesaid : with certification 
that all masters of families, landlords, and magistrates 
^burghs, who shall not give punctual obedience in 
manner above written, that they shall be liable to the 
said pains and penalties due to the contraveners, See/" 

• Wodrow'i Hirt. vol. L App«nclix, p. 88. 

- — » — I "i^ 


In an act, "Aijent field conventides/- in 1670^ 

it is ordained, '^ that no outed ministers who are not 
licensed by the council, olhei: person not autho- 
rized or tollerate by the bishop of tlic diocese, presume 
to preach, expound scripture^ or pray in any meetiag, 
except in their own houses and to those of their owa 
family : and that non« be present at any meeting 
without the family to which they belong, where 
any not licensed, authoriaed nor tolerate, as said is, 
shall preach, expoi^nd scripture or pray; declaring 
hereby, all such as shall do in the contraiy, to be 
guilty of keeping conventicles ; and that be or they, 
who shall so preach, expound, or pray, within any 
bouse, shall be seized upon and imprisoned, till they 
find caution, under the pain of five thousand merks^ 
not to do the like hereafter, or else enact themselves 
to remove out of the kingdom, and never return with-« 
out his majesty's licence; and that every person who 
shall be found to have been present at any such meet- 
ings, shall be, totia qucdies, fined, according to th«i|^ 
qualities, in th^ respectiye sums following, and impri- 
soned until they p^.'theucfioes, and faither, during the 
councils pleasure, vik.. each man or woman^ having 
laixi in heritage, liferent^ or proper wadM^ to be fio^ 
in a fpnrth part of his or her valued yearly rent; each 
tenant, labouring land, in twenty-five pounds Scots; 
each cottar, in twelve pounds Scots ; and each serving* 
piao, in a fonr.^ part of his yearly fee. And whefQ 
inerchants or tradesmen do not belong to or residi^ 
withia bprghs royal, that each merchant or chief 
tradfuunan be fined as a tenant; and each inferionr 
tradesman as a cottar. And if any of the perspin 
abovementioned shall have their wives, or any of their 
children, living in family with then^ present at any 
si^qh meeting ; they are therefore to be fined in the half 



'Cyf the respective fines aforesaid, consideradon being 
had to tiieir several qualities and conditions. And if the 
master io$t- mistress of any family, where any such meet- 
ings shdl be kept, be present within the house for the 
time, they are to be fined in the double of what is to 
be paid by them, for being present at a house conven- 
ticle. And whosoever, without licence or authority 

aforesaid, shall preach, expound scripture, or pray, at 
any meetings in the field, or in any house where there 
be more persons than the house contains, so as some 
of them be without doors (which is hereby declared 
to be a field conveiticle), or who shall convocate any 
number of people to these meetings, shall be punished 
^ with death, and confiscation of their goods. And it is 

hereby oflered and assured, that if any of his majesty's 
good subjects shall seize and secure the persons of any 
who shall either preach or pray at these field-meeting^, 
or convocate any persons .thereto, they shall, for every 
such person so seized and secured, have five hundred 
merks paid to them, for their reward, out of his ma- 
jesty's treasury, by the commissioners thereof; and 
the said seizers and assistants are indemnified for any 
slaughter that shall be committed in the apprehending 
and securing of thciQ. And as to all jieritors, and 
others, yvho shall be present fit «ny of these field-con- 
venticles, it is declared, they are to be fined, toties 
guottfij in the double of their respective fines appointed 
for house-conventicles ; but, prejudice of any other 
pimisbment due to them, by law, as ^itious persons 
abd disturbers of the peace and quiet of the kirk anil 

kingdom *." These were cruel laws indeed ! and 

they were most barbarously executed by Sir James 
^ Turner, general Dalziel, the Highlanders, the bishops^ 

* Wodrow's Hist vol. I. Appendix, p. 130. 


and state clergy *- " Those who governed ScoUand^ 

under Charles II. in the latter part of his reign," says 
Mr. Mallet, '^ with no less cruelty than impoli^, made 
the people of that country desperate ; and then plun- 
dered, imprisoned or butchered them for the natural 
effects of such despair. The best and worthiest men 
were often the objects of their most unrelenting fury. 
Under the title of fanatics, or seditious, they affected 
to herd, and, of course, persecuted whoever wished 
well to his countiy, or ventured to stand up in defence 
of the laws and a legal government. I have now in 
my hands the copy of a warrant, signed by kiiig 
Charles himself, for military execution upon them 
without process or conviction : and I know that the 4^ 
original is still kept in the secretary's office for that 
part of the united kingdom**." Oppression, in- 
deed, makes wise men mad : and such oppressions as 
these, will account for and justify the insurrections at 
Both well and Pentland ; and make us ready to wonder 
at the stupidity of a nation, who did not arm, as one 
man, against a government so unnatural and tyran* 

" If meant the bleising, he becomes tbe bane; 
The wolf, oot shepherd, of his subject flock ; 
To grind and tear, not shelter and protect; 
Wide-wasting where he reigns:— ——to soch a prinee^ 
Allegiance kept, were treason to mankind ; 
And loyalty, revolt from virtue's law." 


•' Montesquieu has well exposed the wretched poli<^ 
of such detestable proceedings, in the following man- 
ner :— — *' If we may reason without prejudice," says 
he, '* I know not but variety of religions may be usefid 
in a' state. It is observed, that the followers of a reli- ^ 

* See Bumety vol. I. p. 238. ^ Preface toMallct's Amyntor and 

Theodora. Svo. Lend. 1748. 



claxations of indulgence were issued forth, 

gion, which ia only tollerated, are generally more ser- 
▼iceable to their country than those who are of the 
established religion : for being shut out from all ho- 
nours, and having no way to distinguish themselves 
but by their opulence and wealth; they are naturally 
led to obtain those advantages by their labour, and so 
to embrace the most painful employments in the so- 
ciety. Besides, as all religions contain precepts useful 
to society ; the more zealously they are observed, the 
hetter. Now what can be more likely to animate that 
zeal, than the multiplicity of religions i They are so 
many rivals that never spare one another's failings. 
TElle jealousy descends even to every private member : 
every one stands upon his guard, and is fearful of 
doing any thing that may bring a scandal upon his 
sect, and expose it to the contempt and unforgiving 
censures of its adversaries. Accordingly, it has always 
been observed, that a new sect in a state is the surest 
means of correcting all the abuses of the old. It is 
in vain to say that it is the prince's interest not to 
allow of variety of religions in his kingdom. Though 
all the sects in the world were to get together in it, he 
would not be at all prejudiced by it: for there is not 
one but what prescribes obedience, and preaches up 
submission. I confess, histories are full of religious 
wars. But do not let us take the thing wrong: it 
was not the diversity of religions that occasioned these 
wars; it; was tbe untoUerating spirit of that which 
thought she had the power in her hands. It was that 
spirit of proselytism which tbe Jews caught of the 
Egyptians; and which from them was communicated, 
like an epidemical infection, both to the Mahometans 
^and Christians. In a word, it was the spirit of en- 



bj the crown **, bj virtue of a dispeasing 

-thusiasm ; which, in its progress, can be looked upoti 
as nothiog else but a total eclipse of human reasoB. 
For, in shoit, tho' there was nothing of inhumanifjir in 
forcing the consciences of odiers; dio' it occasioned 
none of those ill effects which spring np from it by 
thousands ; a man must be a fool to offer at it. He 
that would have me change my religion, does it, bo 
doubt, because he would not change his own if be 
vere to be forced to it: so thac he wonders I will not 
do a tiling, which, perhaps, he would not do himMlf 
for the empire -of tlie universe*." 

'^ Declarations of indulgence were issued by the 
crown — and bills of comprdiension framed for Wft 
approbation of parliament.] The Act of Uniformity 
raised great clamours ; and drew down many re- 
proadies on the king. Hie declaration of Breda, and 
after-promises of ease and liberty to tender con- 
sciences, made by him, were brought to remembrance, 
and contrasted with that rigorous law. To silence 
and satisfy, in some measure, the sufferers ; a declnra* 
don was published by his majesty, by the advice of 
his privy-council, dated Dec. £6, l66£ ; in which, afher 
taking notice of the censures passed on his conduct in 
this and other matters, and endeavoAiring to vindioate 
himself, he proceeds to say, *^ We remember weiU ikie 

very words of our promises from Breda: w« «s* 

member well the <x>niirmations we have made of tkem 
since, upon se^'eral occasions, in parliament ; and as all 
these things are still fresh in our memory, so we are 
still firm in our resolution of performing them to die 
full. But it must not be wondered at (since that pw^- 

* Montciquieu's Persian Iiolteni toI. II. p. 39. 12mo.i.oud^ 1*136^ 


CHARIdaSvfl; n$ 

powCT claimed by it, ^mAH:Whr,Qf^ compre- 

liament to which those promises were made, in relation 
Co an act, nopirr thought fit to offier us any to that pur- 
pose % that, heing so zealous as we are (and, by th« 
grace of God, shall ever be), for the maintenance of 
the true protestaot religion, finding it so shaken (not 
to say overtlirown) as we did, w^ should give its esta^^ 
blishment the precedency before matters of indnlgenpe 
to dissenters from it* But that once done (as we hpp* 
it is sufficiently by the bill of uniformity), we ajre gl»4 
to lay hold on this occasion to renew unto all our aqjbr 
jects, conc^ned in those promises of indulgence by 9 
true tenderness of consci^ce, this assurance : Tliat as, 
ia the first place, we have been zealous to settle the 
uniformity of the church of Euglaad, in discipline, 
ceremony, and government, and shall ever constantly 
maintain it : so, as for what eancems the penalties 
upon those who (living peaceably) do not conforn^ 
thereunto, through scruple and tenderness of mis- 
guided conscience ; but, modestly and without scan« 
dal, perform their devotions in their own way: Me 
shall make it our special care, so far as ia us lies, 
without invading the freedom of parliament, to incline 
their wisdom, at this apprbaching sessions, to concur 
with u« in making some such act, for tliat purpose, aji 
may fwa^le us to 'exercise, with a more universal satis* 
faction, tbat power of diiipeosing which wc conceive 
tfi he ioberaiU in us. Hot can we doubt of their 
cbeArfui coH>p^ft|ing with us in a thing wherein we do 
WQMiSFe owi^lves so far engaged, both in honour, and 
i^ wb«t we aw^ tp the peace of o^r dominions, which 
V« p0ofe»» Vfa can never think secure whilst there shall 

* See tiie quotation fr«i» fji^ Jouroei^y ft t]^ end of vol IV. no^ 45. 

■h.-Mi^ iiMir if. 

124 fUfi UF£ OF 

hension mii€^li|0li!!iLd, by the friends of 

be a colour left t6 tlk^ malicious and disaffected to in- 
flame the minds of so many multitudes ti^n the seore 
of coihicience, witbdespair of ever obtaining any effect 

of our promises for their ease. As we shall always 

according to justice retain, so we think it may become 
us to avow to the world, a due sense we have of the 
gfecCtest part of our Roman catholick subjects of this 
KiQgdom having deserved well from our royal father of 
bimed nSemory, and from us, and even from the {mto- 
testant religion itself, in adhering to us, with thdr 
lives and fortunes, for the maintenance of our crown, 
in the religion established, against those who, under 
the name of zealous protestants, employed both fire 
and sword to overthrow them both. We shall with as 
much freedom profess unto the world, that it is not in 
our intention to exclude our Roman catholick -subjects, 
who have so demeaned themselves, from all share in 
the benefit of such an' act, as, in pursuance of our 
promises, the wisdom of our parliament shall think fit 
to offer unto us. for the ease of tender consciences. It 
might appear no less than injustice, that those who 
deserved well, and continued so to do, should be denied 
some part of that mercy which we have obKged oursdf 
to afford to ten times the number of such who have 

not done soV They are cautioned, 'however, 

against the presumption to hope for a toleration of 
their profession. But the house of commons on their 
meeting, averse to all methods of lenity, in an addfdb 
to the king, declaring it to be their opinion, ^ that^t 
is in no sort adviseable that there be any indulgence Wm 
such persons as presume to dissent horn the Act of 

* Kennef 8 Register, p. 95fK 


moderation and humanity, for the appro- 

Uoiformity %'' his majesty acquiesced^ and persecution 

was more triumphant. ^After the banishment of 

Clarendon^ the great promoter of the barbarous laws on 
account of religion ; Shaftesbury, Clifford, and Buck- 
ingham, who, together with Arlington and Lauderdale, 
made up what was called the cabal, took the lead. 
These men, though for the most part unprincipled and 
abandoned, had sense enough tx> see the iniquity of the 
laws in being, and the folly of executing them. By 
their instigation another declaration was published, 
March 15, 167^1 i^ which, after mention being made 
of the fruitlessness of twelve years' rigour, his majesty 
declares it to be his will and pleasure, '' that the execu- 
tion of all and all manner of penal laws, in matters 
ecclesiastical, against whatsoever sort of non-conform- 
ists or recusants, be immediately suspended; and that 
allowance would be granted of a sufficient number of 
places, in all parts of the kingdom, for the use of such 
as do not conform to the church of England, to meet 
and assemble in, in order to their public worship and 
devotion." The recusants of the Roman catholic reli- 
gion were, however, excepted ; to whom no places of 
public worship wf^e allowed, but only an indulgence 
in the common exemption from the execution of tlie 
penal laws, and the exercise of their worship in their 
private houses only. 

An indulgence likewise was issa^'oDt in Scotland, 
Sept. 3, 1672.— -Mr. Locke tdli'ijpj '* the Ibiahops 
took SQ- great an. offence at this declaration, that they 
gave the alarm of popery through the whole nation ; 
and, by their emissaries, the clergy (who, by the con- 
texture and subordination of their government, and 

• Journal, 27 Feb. 16^3. 

196 THE LItE OF 

batioti of the parliament :-^— -all which 

their being posted in every parish, have the advantage 
of a quick dispersing their orders, and a sudden and 
tiniversal insinuation of whatever they please), raised 
such a cty, that those good and sober men, who had 
really long feared the increase and continuance popery 
had hitherto received, began to believe the bishops 
were in earnest, their eyes open though late, and there^ 
fore joined heartily with them; so that, at the nest 
meeting of parliament, the protestant interest was run 
so high, as an act came up from the commons Uir the 
house of lords in favour of the dissenting protestants^ 
hnd had passed the lords but for want of time: be- 
sides, another excellent act passed the royal assent, fof 
the excluding all papists from office; in opposition of 
which the lord treasurer Clifford fell, and yet to pre* 
vent his ruin this sessions had the speedier end. Not- 
withstanding the bishops attained their ends, the decla*^ 
ration being cancelled, and the great seal being broken 
off from it; the parliament having passed no act in ta* 
vour of the dissenters, and yet the sense of both houses 
sufficiently declared against all indulgence but by act 
of parliament. Having got this point, they used it at 
first with seeming moderation ; there were no general 
directions given for persecuting the non-confoimists, 
but here and there some of the most confiding justices 
were made use of to try how they could revive the old 
pro»H;ution : fluvas jret the zeal raised against the pa- 
pists WAS so great, that the worthiest and the soberest 
of th^ episcopal party thought it necessary to unite! 
with the dissenting protestants, and not to divide 
their party wlien al4 their forces were little enough •.** 

• letter to a Person of Quality, in Torbuck's Parliamentary Debate^ 
vol. h p. 78. 


were, throu^ various causes, rendered in« 

It appears, indeed, by Grey's Parliamentary Debates, 
that this declaration was warmly debated and greatly 
opposed ID the house ; even by such as were foes to 
persecution, on account of the dispensing power on 
which it was founded. Mr. Powle ^' would comply 
with the king to do, in a legal way, as now the declar 
ration did in an illegal.— —He conceived, if the king 
c«l dispense with all penal laws ; he may dispense 

widi^aill lews with a non obstante. The consequence 

of thiB^'' said he, " is direful : the king, by this, may 
change religion as he pleases: we are confident of 
him, but know not what succession maybe*." The 
majority of the house, being of like sentiments, con- 
curred in an address, Feb. 14th following; in which 
ibef say, ^^ we find ourselves bound in duty to inform 
yov majesty, that penal statutes, in matters ecclesias- 
tical, cannot be suspended but by act of parliament." 
» ■■ T he king was not well pleased with this address, 
but seemed to insist on his dispensing power. The 
Cimimons, notwithstanding, being fixed; and a supply 
for his majesty under consideration; he at length told 
both houses, '* that if there was any scropte remained 
yet with them, eoncemiag the suspension of penal 
liEiWB ; he faithfolly promised them, that what had been 
done in that particular, should not, for the future, be 
drawn into consequence or example ^.^ Thus was the 
mdnlgence quashed. But as the commons now were 
sot averse to a legal toleration, they ^* resolved, upon 
tllequeition, nemine contradicente, that a bill be brought 
in ibr the ease of his majesty's subjects that are dis- 

* Giey'fi Pirliameutiry JDcbfttes, vol. IL p. 15. ** Jotirnal, SUi 

March, 167% 

128 THE I4FE OF 

effectual for the purposes intended. During 

jsenterSy in matters of religion, from the church of 
England*/' A bill, after long deliberation, was framed ; 
and being read, it was resolved, 19th March, 1672^ 
O.S. ** that the bill do pass; and Mr. Powle was to 
carry np the bill to the lords ^." The lords proposed 
some amendments ; and conferences were held between 
the houses: but it came to nothing. In 1680, the 
lords and commons passed a bill, intitled, " An 4i|t;^i|r' 
the repeal of a statute made in the Q5th year o^(g|pen*«- . 
Elizabeth, in order to give ease to the dissenKoif |^^- ' 
but the court, being mad against them for their ad- 
herence to the interest of their country and their actii- 
vity in opposing the destructive schemes then on feQ]t^ 
by an almost unheard-of trick, got tlie bill stole from 
the table, when it was, in course, to have receivedltha 
royal assent. This was taken notice of, in thei»4tiext ... 
parliament, by many very considerable members ;.||Q^y^ 
among others, by Sir William Jones, who said^ " Tbkk 
matter deserves material consideration ; whether in re- 
spect of the loss of the bill, or the shaking the Very* 
constitution of parliament. The bill that is lost," con- 
tinued he, '' is of great moment ; and of great use to^ 
secure the country, and, perhaps, their lives too, ia the 
time of a popish successor. Those men that hindeEHBii^ 
the passing that bill, had a prospect of that; and if it? ^ 
be sent up again, we are like, to meet with great QppQp;i; 
sition. But be the bill what it wijl, the precedent; ini' ^ 
of the highest consequence. The king has bis nqgatit^ 
to all bills ; but I never knew that the clerk of tfae.|N|0>r* 
liament had a negative, if he laid it aside, or not. ^;Biit. 
consider, if we send up many good bills, if thig be no^, 

•JooraaL ** Id. Md. 85 Dec leSO. . 

CHARLES If. 129 

these transactions, the attention of the na- 

searched into, we may be deprived of them. No man, 
that knows law or history, but can tell, that to bills 
grateful and popular ibe king gives his consent; but 
if this way be fouud out, that bills shrill be thrown by, 
it may be hereafter said, they were forgotten and laid 
by ; and so we shall never know whether the king 
would pass them or not. If this be satTered, it is in 
vain to spend time here, and it will be a great nmttei 
to find time to redress it. I move, therefore, that a 
message be sent to the lords for a conference, that 
some nay may be found out to give us Katis faction 
in this great matter'." A message, aecurdingly, was 
resolved to be sent to the lords, to desire a conference; 
and a committee appointed, to consider of and prepare 
the subject-matter to be offered at the said conference". 
But this, and every other thing in agitation in the 
house, was soon put an end to by the sudden dissolu- 
tion of the parliament, .^fter this, the penal laws, 
against the dissenters, were executed in their full ri» 
gour. As to the bills of comprehension, mentioned ia 
the text, these were projected by Bridgman and Hal^ 
assisted by TilJotson, Stillingtlect, and Buiton, on the 
one hand; and by Dates, Canton, and Baxter, on the 
other. Their design was, by alterations and amend- 
ments, to take in as many as possible into the establish- 
ment, and give a toleration to ail others who remained 
unsatisfied. But though more than one attempt was 
made; and times, under tliis vcign, greatly varied; 
nothing was done to any purpose, through the zeal 
and bigotry of some of the ecclesiastics, who were 
alarmed at the least talk of such matters'. 
■ Grey's Parliamentary Dub.tBB, tqI. Vllt, p. 3(K). " jQurnal, 9J 

' Ste Birch's Ufe of TLUotBDo, p. 43. Brg. Lonil. 1152. 


tion vrai drawn to the popish plot ^% dk-» 

*' 'the attention of the natioti was drawn to the 
popish'plot.] Niever any thing made more noise than* 
thifa -fltflbir: never any things peth'&psy ifi the opinion 
of some persons, had lessf fouAdatlwir.*^— ^-^Tlmt I may 
be impartial, I will, however, conisider the evidence 
for and against it with all the care that is in my power. 
-•—The popish plot, it is to be observed, was founds 
ed, chiefly, on the testimony of Titus Oates ; though 
afterwards supported by that of sevesal other personsw 
Now. if he himself was a man unVorthy of belief, 
or the testimony given by him false or incredible, it 
is very certaifO/ no regard ought to have been paid 
unto faim^ 

1; Oates Kimsdf was a bad man. Insincerity, in the 
profession of religibn*, is a proof of this : and Oatei'« 
insincerity is allcAred by himself, and, as far as ap^ 
pearsy' Without bundling, at the bar of the bouse of 
lords. " In the yeiir'(— 76),'' says he, " I was admitted 
inta the isetvice of the duke of Norfolk, as chaplain in 
his honse; and there I came acquainted with one Bing, 
that was a priest in the bouse. And being acqpEiainted 
with him, there came one Kemish very often to visit 
him, and one Singleton ; who told me, that I shpnld 
find that the protestant religion was upon its la^t leggs ; 
and that it would become me, and all men of my coat 
(for then I professed myself a minister of the Ghurch 
of England), to hasten betimes home to the Church 
of Rome. My lords, having had strong suspicions 
for some years before, of the great and apparent growth 
of popery, to satisfy my curiosity, I pretended some 
doubts in my mind. My lords, after some time had 
passed over, and I had had some convei'sation with 
these men, I found they were not men for my turn ; 


CHARLES n. 131 

covered by Oates, and supported, as it was 

because, being regular men, they were not men who 
had any great degree of learning. Afterwards, my 
lords, I met with one Hutchinson : I found bim a 
saintlike man, or one that was religious for religions 
sake: and him I found not fot my turn neither; for, 
my lords, my design was to deal with their casuists, 
thiit is, those of the society. After that I had obtained 
the favour from him to have some conference with 
one of tlie society, I found tliey were the men for my 
turn ; because I found they were the cunning politick 
men, .ind the men that could satisfy me. After that I 
had had some discourse with them, I pretended to be 
convinced by their arguments : and, my lords, after 
that I had thus acknowledged my conviction, I desired 
to be reconciled; and, accordingly, on Ash Wednes- 
day, lfi7y, I was reconciled'." Bumet says, upon 

asking Oates, " What were the arguments that pre- 
vailed on him to change his religion, and to go over 
to the Church of Rome? he stood up, and laid his 
hand upon his breast, and said, ' God, and his holy 
angels, knew, that he had never changed ; hut that he 
had gone among them on piirpose to hetray them''." 
And, if he may be beiicved, betray them he did : for, 
the Jesuits having given him ten p6unds to carry let- 
ters to Madrid; he, by the way, broke up the letters, 

and afterwards revealed their contents '." " He was 

moreover, according to Burnet, proud and ill-natured; 

haughiy, but ignorant. -He was once presented for 

perjury : but he got to be chaplain to one of his ma- 
jesty's ships, from wliicli he was dismissed upon com- 

» Staflbnl'a Trya', p. 2 J. to]. Loncton, 1650-1. <• Vul. :. p. ws, 

' NarrjCvc frf tlic Plut, p. 8. fck Ljnd. : 679. 



supposed, by Coleman's letters, and the 

plaint oE some uimatoMl practices^ not to be named/' 
A Ycry hopeful evidence, truly ! Lord Stafford, in his 
defeoce, observed, ^ that any man that shall pretend 
himself to be a papist, for what end soever it be that 
be so pretends, and dissembles with God Almighty, 
which he must do to a great height in receiving that 
sacrament, which is, by your lordships and the house 
of commons,, declared to be gross idolatry, is not easily 
to be esteemed a witness. 1 appeal to your lordships^ 
to the house of commons, and every body, whether 
such a fellow, that will abhor his religion, let him do 
it for any ends in the world, be a man to be credited ; 
and especially engaging in such a way, to such aa 
Iieighth, in that which his conscience tells him is ido* 
latrous, is not a perjured fellow, and no compleal 
witness? No Christian; but a devil, and a witness for 
the dmil \'' 

& Oates's narrative is absolutely incredible. Can il- 
be supposed that letters containing treason, high trea* 
son, should be intrusted to a new convert } That j^irilr 
would subscribe their names to letters of lOch a nature 
in his presence, and permit him to see and read them? 
That they should tell him, "they would not let the 
Black Bastard go to his grave in peace (meaning the 
king of England) ; for that he had cheated them so 
ofteii, and that now they were resolved to be served 
so no more ; and that the duke's passport was ready, 
whenever he should appear to fail them ?** Is it cre- 
dible that the fathers of St. Omers should direct such 
a man to eompose letters for them, and sign them when 
composed^ "praying the English Jesuits to prosecute 

• Tryal, p. 128. 


murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey. It 

tiieir design in taking away the king; and if his royal 
ibighness should not comply with them, to dispatch 
him too : for they did fiar that never any of the Stuarts 
^ere men for the effecting any of theijr ends and pur-» 

poses f" ^W ill any reasonable man imagine, that a 

provincial of Jesuits would own, to such a one, that 
they employed persons to burn the city of London, 
and to plunder during the flames? That they would 
communicate to .him a plan for firing Westminster, 
Wapping, Tooley-Street, Barnaby-Street, and St. Tho* 
mas Apostles? A man, one would think^ mpst be 
capable of swallowing transubstantiation, who can 
believe these things which are contained in Oates's 
naiTative^ and sworn by him with all solemnity! But 
something rather more surprising follows : Oates being 
thus intrusted, Oates having the lives of numbers at 
his mercy, was yet very ill treated by the provincial 

himself. Hear his account of the matter. *' When 

the provincial saw the deponeat£Oatei], he asked him, 
With what face he could look open bim, since he had 
played such a treacherous trick with tbeai? aodftmck 
the deponent three blows with a stick, and a box oo 
the ear; and charged him with being with the king, 
and a minister with him, whom he suspected to hayfb 
informed the king of those things :^ecaiise that Qei^ 
ingfield had related, in a letter to Blundel> that the 
duke of York had related some such thing to lMin>; 
and did therefore judge that it must be the depcnDeot' 
that must have been drawn in by some persons to the 
same. Buj: at last the provincial told the deponent, 
that be was willing to be reconciled to him, if be would 
discover what the parson was, his name, and place of 
abode; to the end they might be secure of him; and 

1 1 r iiBiiBtMiaiy Mitt&iiidi'Miiwff-i-^ikA>X'-^steftis&^^^ 


was an intricate affair, attended with im- 

vrere resolved to kill him. And in the mean time the 
deponent was ordered to make bimself ready to go be- 
yond the seas within fourteen days^ as he the provincial 
saidV I observe farther, that though the sentence 
passed on Oates by the judges, in the latter part of 
this reign, was adjudged in parliament, after the Revo- 
lution, to be unprecedented, cruel, and illegal; yet, 
after debate, a clause was inserted in the bill for re- 
versing the judgments given against him, '^ that, until 
the said matters, for which the said Oates was con- 
victed of perjury, be heard and determined in parlia- 
ment, that the said Oates shall not be received in any 
court, matter, or cause whatsoever, to be a witness, 
or give any evidence; any thing in this act, in any 
wise, contained to the contrary notwithstanding^.'- 
What is this, but declaring him perjured i and what 
stress can be laid on the testimony of such a man ? 

3. Nor were the other principal evidences much bet* 

ter men, or deserring of more credit. Bedlow, by his 

own confessioiUy had sworn falsely ; and was told by 

** Wyld, a worthy and antient judge, that be was a perr 

jured raan, and ought to come no more into courts, 

bnt to go borne and repent"^." Indeed he must have 

lieen truly Oates's fellow, if we may credit his own ao- 

count. In the title page of his *^ Narrative of the 

Plot for burning and destroying the Cities of London 

and Westminster,*' he styles bimself one of the popish 

committee for carrying. on such fires'*. In the book 

itself we have the following paragraphs : ^' In the month 

* Oates's Narrative, p. 54. *» Torbuck's Parliamentary Debatef, 

▼ol. II. p. 45?. ' Bproft, vol. I. p, 4^0. i j^d^ 


probabilities of many kinds ; but believed, 

e£ June, 1676, it was my fortnne to be at Paps, at the 
English convent of Benedictine monks, with whom I 

had much ingratiated myself; so- that at that time they 
reposed an entire confidence io me, as a. fit instrument, i 
for their purposes. Amongst other discourses that, j 
happened there about the great business, which tliey ; 
and others were then most •vigorously carrying on, via, ' 
to suhvert the protestant religion, and introduce popery 
into England; they fell to debate the several waya 
and means preparatory tliereunto, and what might he 
the best expedients to facilitate and accomplish the i 
same: aadas they did nothing without correspondcncft I 
and commuuicatioB of counseis from their fellow cotb- 
spirators in England : so some or one of tbem produc- 
ed several letters from Loudon, wherein were divers 
particulars relating to the firing of the city and 
suburbs of London, and other cities and eminent lowns 
in England, which was then and at all times concluded 
and agreed to, by them, to be the chief way and almost 
only means in their power, whereby to plain the way 
for their design : for they were unanimously of opinion, 
that it was absolutely necessary to weaken and ruin 
the said city of London, efe they could bring any of 

their other contrivances to perfection. After this 

discourse, they at last proceeded to ask me, whether I 
would be assistant to them in carrying on that busU 
ness, as I had been in the otlier great concern; this 
being oiic of the best expedients to ripen and push on 
thatl To which I readily Eeemed to assent; assuring 
them, that I could and would do more therein than any 
Other could: magnifying what intimate knowledge I 
^ad of all parts of London, and some other great trading 
fiities; which did capacitate me to affect such a busi- 




notwithstanding^ by the wisest and best 

ness more certainly and securely tlian another. 2 In 
fine, they wer^ extreamly satisfied ; and told me that 
when I came to England I should be joined as an as* 
distant to Father Gifford, for prosecuting the said afiain 

In short, for near a twelvemonth before I came 

in to make a discovery, I had been employed to nse 
all arts, and endeavours, to carry on this design of 
firing the city of London, and other places about it ; 
and the order and conduct of it, how, and where, to 
o^t my fires, was left chiefly to my management; but 
with this limitation, that the Jesuits, who were the 
master incendiaries, and my employers^ we»e to see 
and inspect how far and how sure I had laid my conn 
bustibles and fewel; which, accordingly, they did\ 
•r— This, I presume, is sufficient for Bedloe's character. 

4. Dugdale, Turberville, Smith, and the Irish evi-» 
dences, were little bett^ than knights of the post ; 
ready to attest any thing, or every thing, in order to 
obtain money to support themselves in their vices ^ 

5. It is alleged, that Coleman's letters alone are wf^ 
ficient to destroy all the credit of Oates's narrative 
^' For how could so long a train of correspondence tti 
carried on by a man so much trusted by the party ; mMi 
yet no traces of insurrections, if really intended, <tf 
jBites, massacres, assassinations, invasions, be ever dii^ 
covered in any single passage of these letters*' ?" 

6. It is ^d, that it seems utterly improbable that 
Sir Edmondbury Godfrey was murdered by the papists; 
though \t yfBB swotn, believed, ^nd some of that per^ 

* Naimtiye of the Plot, Load. fol. 1679^ p. 2. » See Coir 

ledge's Tryal j and Burnet, p. 504— 506, * Hume*^ History of 

ilreat Britain, yoL II. p« 282. 


part of the nation. Many suffered for it, 

suasion were executed for the concern they were sup^ 

posed to have had in it. *' These religionists 

[the papists] could not be engaged to commit that 
crime from policy, in order to deter other magistrates 
from acting against them. Godfrey *s fate was no way 
capable of prodacing that effect, unless it were pub- 
lickly known that the catholicks were his murtherers ; 
an opinion which^ it was easy to foresee, must prove 
the ruin of their party. Besides^ how many magis- 
trates, during more than a century, had acted in the 
most violent manner against them, without its being 
ever suspected that any one had been cut off by assas- 
sination P Such jealous times as the present, were surely 
ill fitted for beginning these dangerous experiments. 
Shall we, therefore, say that the catholics were pushed 
on, not by policy, but by blind revenge against God- 
frey i But Godfrey had given them little or no occasion 
of offence in taking Oates's evidence. His part was 
meerly an act of form, belonging to his office; nor 
could he, or any man in his station, possibly refuse it. 
In the rest of his conduct he lived on good terms with 
the, catholics, and was far from distinguishing himself 
by his severity against that sect. It is certain that he 
had contract^ an intimacy with Coleman ; and took 
care to inform his friend of the danger to which, 
by reason of Oates's evidence, he was at present ex« 
posed. -We must, therefore, be contented to re- 
main for ever ignorant of the actors in Godfrey's 
murder; and only pronounce, in general, that that 
event, in all likelihood, had no connexion, one way or 
other, with the popish plot. Any man, especially so 
active a magistrate as Godfrey, might, in such a city 
as London, have many enemies, of whom his friencb 



protesting their innocency in their last mcv- 

and family had no suspicion. He was a melancholjr 
man; and there is some reason^ notwithstanding all 
the pretended appearances to the contrary, to suspecL 
that he fell by his own hands V 

7. All the persons, who suffered for the plot, pro* 
tested their innocency to the last moment of their lives. 
This seems unaccountable upon any principles of hu-r 
man nature ; and is not to be paralleled in ancient or 
modem story, on the supposition that they were guilty 
of the crimes for which they died. We are to remem- 
ber, that not only priests, but a nobleman, gentlemen^ 
and persons in low stations of life, all, uniformly, de? 
nied the facts for which they were executed. 

Let us now see what is said on the other side of the 
question. And, 

1. With regard to the character of the witnesses: it 
is replied, ^^ That though these mens evidence might 
not have been credited in other cases ; yet, it is fit to 
consider witnesses in civil and criminal cases. In 
civil cases, men may make elections of what witnesses 
they please ; and 'tis their fault if they make not use 
of men of known integrity and repute, that more credit 
may be given to their evidence: and the end of civil 
actions and contracts is, that they may be known. 
But immoral and wicked actions are deeds of darkness, 
and contrived so as they may not be known; so that 
the knowledge of them comes to pass either from acci- 
dent, or from the conspirators themselves : as if only 
one man sees a murthcrer, or thief, kill or rob another; 
if his testimony shall not be taken because otherwise au 
ill mon, multitudes ofmurthers aiid thefts might pas« 

* Hume's History of Great firitaU), vol. IL p. 28+^ 

CHARI^ II. ]^ 

fnents. All this had no effoot: but the 

unpunished. So if Ciceroi "wllclta" Fulvia first disco* 
yered Catiline's conspiracy to him, bad told her, she 
was a whore, and no credit could be giren to anj 
thing she said ; Rome might have been in flame, as 
London was, and all the senators throats might have 
been cut. But, admit no credit could be given to any 
or all these mens testimonies, who were ill Roman 
catholics; I would know what objectiOB ^ tm iM t be 
made against Mr. Jenison (a gentlemafi'fif'bMl and 
quality), who gave no evidence at IrelaUPi^vvWake- 
man's, Pickering's or Grove's tryals ; and ohMgid bis 
religion when he heard that Ireland, who was his fa* 
thers confessor at his death, denied he was in town, 
but in Staffordshire, when Oates and Groves's maid 
said he was in London in August, 1678, and printed it, 
and the reasons of it ; and also at my lord Stafford's 
trial, in open parliament deposed, that Ireland told 
him, there was but one stood in the way, and that it 
was an easy thing to poysoH the king; and that Sir 
George Wakeman might easily, and opportunely do it; 
and that in August, 1678 (when Ireland, at his death, 
declared he was in Staffordshire), Ireland told Mn Je*- 
nison, in London, when he was newly returned from 
Windsor, how easily the king might be taken off; and 
iasked Mr. Jenison, if he would be one of them who 
should go to Windsor, and assist at the taking off the 
king, and proffered Mr. Jenison to remit 2K)0/. which 
he owed IiilWid, if he would. I'hen Ireland asked, 
if he knew any stout Irishman? who answered, he 
\ knew captain Levallion, Mr. Kerney, Brohal, and 
Wilson. Ireland told him, he knew Levallion and 
Wilson ; and then Ireland asked him, if he would go 
with them, and assist them in taking off the king i After 


■- ■• - "•- 


nation, being alarmedi with the fears of 

this, Ireland told Mr. * Jtniison, he was going to the 
club, where Mr. Coleman, Mr. Levallion, atad Kemey 
would be; and that he wanted 80/. which he desired 
Mr. Jeniton to return him. Mr. Jenison further de- 
posed, that his brother, Mr. Thomas Jenison, (a Jesuit), 
said, if C. R. will not be R. C. which he interpreted 
to he^'^i Garolas Rex non esset Rex catholicus, nondiu 
JoreiRim4j&lrolus ; and that it was no great sin to take 
him ifJHt^* Mr; Jenison desiring a new commission in 
thei mewHl^sed army, his brother told him, he would 
proctire btm one from the duke of York; and that there 
was another army to be raised, but this was not to be 
till the king was taken off: and this I say, that about 
this time there was a general rumour of a page being 
killed upon a couch in the night, at Windsor, wherfL^ 
the king was laid but a little before ; and that the king, 
upon the fright of it, e&me next morning to London; 
and that it was prince Rupert who, with much impor- 
tunity, got the king (htiying been drinking hard before) 
from the couth, and put him to bed; and that the 
page, who was killed asleep upon the couch, was wrapt 
up in the cloak the king was in V* 

2. However incredible Oates's narrative, at this dis- 
tance of time, may seem ; the plot, discovered by him, 
was believed by men of the first distinction then, and, 
in consequence thereof, those who were convicted of 
being concerned in it were deemed to have suffered 
with justice, by the most respectable pemiiiiages of the 

kingdom.- Sir William Temple writes, ** 1 never sa^ 

greater disturbances at home, than had been raised by T? 
the plot, and the pursuit of it in the parliament} an4 

• Cokeys Detection, vol. II. p. 281. 


what they imagined was about to befal 

observed, that though it was generally beliered by both 
houses, by city and country, by clergy and laity ; yet, 
when I talked with some of my friends in private, who 
ought best to know the bottom of it, they only con- 
cluded that it was yet mysterious ; that they could not 
say the king believed it; but, however, that the parlia- 
ment and nation were so generally and strongly pos- 
sessed with it, that it must of necessity be pursued as 

if it were true, whether it was so or no*/' ^Algemon 

Skbuey, in a letter to Henry Saville, sajrs, ^ On Friday 
last Harcoqrt, Whitebread, and three other priests, 
were, at the Old Baily, found guilty of the plot, and 
condemned a& tray tors. On Saturday the like sentence 
passed upon Langhorne. The tryals were in all re- 
spects fair, even by the confession of the adversaries* 
The arraigned persons placed all the hopes of theii^ 
defence upon the invalidating Oates's testimony; to 
which end they had about 16 witnesses sent from St. 
Omersy to assert that they had seen him every day in 
May and June was a twelvemonth at St. Omers, and 
consequently he could not be here as he doth assert; 
but as three of them, having been apprehended by Sir 
Will. Waller, at their first coming, told him they were 
come to be witnesses ; and being asked what they were 
to witness? they said, they must know that from their 
superiors : it did plainly appear at the tryal, that they 
were ready to say whatever they we^e bid ; and Oates 
did plainly provc^.by a knight and two of hi* servants, 
two protestant parsons, a popish priest, and some 
others, that he was h^re at that time; so as bis teati- 
. aiony was taken without dispute. This is a danger- 

• «ir WilUsmi Tei^pVs Workf, ▼©!. JJ. p. 4»1. 1«i^ •dit. 

*" **^^^^S^^^^S±bli 


them, and being in great dread of what 

ous learling case for the lords in the Tower, whose 
principal hopes were to invalidate the testimony of 
Oatesj Bedloe^ and Dugdale ; all which being confirm- 
ed by the judgment of a jury, in the face of all London, 

cannot be questioned V And lord chief justice 

Scroggs, though a court tool, declared from the bench, 
on the jury's finding Green, Berry, and Hill, guilty, 
" that if he bad been one with them, he would have 
found the same verdict ; and if,'' said he, " it were the 
last word I were to speak in this world, I should bWe 

pronounced them guilty V We find, moreover, 

that it was resolved, nemine contradicente, by the house 
of commons, " that they were fully satisfied, by the 
proofs they had heard, that there is, and for divers 
years last past had been, a horrid and treasonable plot 
and conspiracy, contrived and carried on by those of 
the popish religion, for the murdering his majesty's 
sacred person ; and for subverting the protestant reli« 
gion, and the antient and well-established government 
of this kingdom'/' The lords concurred in the same 
vote, unanimously, the next day. At the trial of lord 
Stafibrd, after a full examination of the evidence, and 
an able defence made by his lordship. Sir William 
Jones, one of the managers for the commons, said, 
'^ My lords, I think I may take leave to say, that the 
plot, in general, bath been sufficiently proved. And if 
we consider what bath been proved at former tryals 
(upon which many of the offenders and tray tors have 
been executed), what hath been published in print, 
and, above all, Coleman's letters, written all with his 

• Letters to Saville, p. ]01. 8va edit. "Tryal of Green, &c. 

p. 86. foU Undi 1679. « Journal, 24' Mar. 1 678. 


ihight hereafto: happen, cast about for the 

own hand, and for that reason impossible to be falsi- 
fied ; we may justly conclade, there is not a man in 
England of any understanding, but must be fully con^ 
vinced of the troth of the plot in general. I shall spare 
to mention the resolutions and declarations of two 
parliaments, and of both houses in those two parliaments 
without (as I remember) one dissenting voice, express- 
ing their foil satisfaction of the reality of the plot; so 
that^ I thtnky now none remain that do pretend not 
to believe 'k^ but two sorts of persons, the one those 
that were the conspirators in it, and the other those 
that wished it had succeeded and desire it may so 
still V^ — Were all these persons wholly mistaken f 

3. It ia admitted, that there are no clear traces of 
insurrections, fires, massacres, invasions^ or assassina- 
tions, 'wl Coleman's letters, as far as appears from 
what werepnblished. But what is the meaning of the 
expressions I have before quoted, *^ We are about a 
great work, no less than the conversion of three king^ 
doms, and the total and utter subversion and subduing 
of that pestilent heresie which has domineered over 
great part of this northern world a long time; there 
never was such hopes of success since the death of 
Q. Mary^P' What the meaning of Coleman, in 
writing to. the pope's nuncio, ** that they had in agita- 
tion great ilesigns, worthy the consideration of his 
|[the nnncig's] friends, and to be supported \vith all 
their power: iiberein,'' adds he, "we have no doubt; 
but to succeed; and it may be to the utter ruin of the 
protestant party, if you join with us in good earnest, 
and cordially setond our interest *" ?"• Surely one 

• Tryal of Lord Stafford, p. 169. *> Coleman's Letters, pu 118. 



..^^^...x..^.-..^>.>:;>^iji^?^t^.^ -■••^ 

144 TH£ LIFE OI' 

means of safety.- The Test Act which 

would be ledy by these expressioQS, to imagine some 
deep-laid designs against the natioti; intrusted to 
foreign potentates, and promised to be su)[>ported bj 
them. The spirit of popery is enterprising^ and sticks 

at no means to accomplish its end, There is, 

amongst Coleman's letters, one from the pope's nuocio, 
with whom he had corresponded at Brussels, dated 
Rome, Jan. 12, l67a, written so obscuittly, that the 
house of commons could not decypher it; Bor was 
Coleman himself, though directed to the duke of Yorit 
for the key, able to master it. But the late very 
learned Dn Letherland, who had capacity, and in- 
dustry, and curiosity, sufficient to surmount almost 
every difficulty, applied himself to it, and very 
obligingly communicated to me the success of his 
endeavours. Here follows the letter, as far at he was 
able to discover it, ** What you propose^ toadiiag 
the money which is in the castle,«cannot be put ia exe* 
cution by the pope, but with the consent of all the car* 
dinals, and only in cases comprised in the buUs. Yoa 
may then consider if, in the terms wherein are «t pre- 
sent the affairs of 80£04, it would be to purpose, for 
the interest of the duke, to make public an afi'air of such 
a nature as this, of which I assure you with truth, and 
the duke may be perswaded is what in case he shall be 
one day the master of 3 ^04. will imploy 6661272. 

and 5108126 and the credit for to assist to re-establish 
5 1 66. 8 1 266. in 998 1 204 \" Coleman, in reply to this, 
after saying that he had been unsuccessfld in his endea« 
vours to decypher this letter, adds :— " But, Sir, though 
i understand not all your letter, yet I see enough in it 

* Oolcman't Letters, p. 101. See ako p. ^« and part XL p. 7. # 


hAd received the royaJ assent in one thou-* 

to assure myself of the pope, and of the emperor, and 
particiilarly of the internuacio, in all that concerns the 
affiiirs of the duke, whereof jou have promised us yet 
aew proofs. I shewed that part of your letter to the 
duke, and he commanded me to let you know how sen- 
sible he is thereof, and to give you thanks from him 
foif it. I find also you do not approve the discourse I 
made yon in my last letter, which I do not at all won- 
der at, because the subject of that discourse is so nice, 
or delicate, that many of the most quiek-sighted per- 
sons have shewed their weakness in the conduct of that 
affiur, and have been so entangled in it, that, after hav- 
ing declared themselves with much heat against the 
maaoer of proceeding of others, upon that matter, as 
base and detestable; they, within a while after, have 

become guilty of the same baseness.^ What 

can these expressions refer to P not money, one would 
think, as Mr. Coleman interpreted aid and assistance to 
be, at his tryal*. 

4, Godfrey's murder, probably, was the work of the 
catholics. For though he had ** a kindness for the per- 
sons of many Roman catholics ; yet be always declar- 
ed a particular hatred and detestation of popeiy. f 
say this,'' says Dr. Lloyd, ^* on purpose to be remem- 
bered (because some would have him a papist, or in- 
clined that way) : I never pleased him with any duty 
I performed, at least he never thanked me for any, so 
much as he did for those sermons which I preacht here 
against popery *." Lloyd, we are to observe, was God- 
frey's friend ; and very attentive to every thing relating 

* Coleman*8 Letters, p. 73. fol. Lond. 167S. ^ ZJoyd's Faneral 

Sermoo, p. 13. 4ttt. 1078. 

VOL. V. L 



sand six hundred and seventy-two, " for 

to his murder. Let us hear him then, and judge 
fiom his evidence. — " Now I speak of discovery, me- 
thinksy 1 see you all stirred up, as it were, expecting 
that I should name you the persons that did this bloody 
fact. 1 would I could for sundry reasons. But I canr 
not pretend to that. I can only say, with David, they 

were wicked men Since we know not who tji|^ 

are who were the authors of this wickedness, at least 
can we find who they are that are not willing we should 
know it? They that have practised and intrigued to 
this purpose, to endeavour to hinder the search, or the 
discovery; if they knew what they did, we have reason 
to judge they were concerned for themselves, or for 
their friends. You cannot but remember the dust^buit 
was raised in the week when the search should have 
been made; those calumnies and those various reports 
that went about, as it were, on purpose to tiinder the 
discovery. One while, he had withdrawn himself for 
debt ; another while, he was married, and that not very 
decently; another while, he was run away with a bar- 
lot. At last when they knew what they, intended to 

do with him, they prepared you to expect it, by giving 
out that he had killed himself. You know how impar 
tient they were to have this believed. I was told it some 
hours before the discovery, that he was found with his 
own sword through the body : others could tell that he 
had two wounds about him. These things were found 
to be true some hours after. But then they devised 
sundry untruths to colour it. It was suggested, it was 
done in distraction ; which, they said, was an hereditary 
disease in his family : that his father and his grand- 
father had it before him: that this disease, being stir- 
red up by some misapprehensions, wrought that dire 


preventing the dangers which might happen 

effect upon him to make him kill himself. These 
things (from whatsoever author they came), being ooii<» 
fidently said, were as easily belreved by them who 
knew nothing to the contrary. I confess, I knew not 
what to think myself, till I saw the Contrary with my 
eyes. When I saw he was strangled, as well as thrust 
thouigh, I soon considered that no man could kill him- 
self both those ways. — For the melancholy that was ob- 
served in our friend, I think, none, that knew him, ever 
thought it distraction, or any thing tending that way; 
but a thoughtfulness sometimes that proceeded from 
the intricacy and multiplicity of business: I believe 
the weightiest business that ever he had, was that 
which made him say some days before his death, I am 
told, I shall be knock'd on the head.^ He said this in 
my hearing, without any great visible concern. He 
continued the same he ever was in his daily conversar 
tion ; serioiif :|p business, but chearful and pleasant at 
iother^liwei. - Thus he used to be alway. He was so 
ta tti^JJl0t .4tf of his living life; that is, to the hour 
we lo0ttlhEUD..^ And how he was afterwards, I suppose, 
they best know that were the authors of these ru- 
mours*. If you know of any that could not think 

themselves safe while he lived, you have great reason 
to believe you know the authors of his death. I have 
not so far been privy to his doings, as that I could be 
able to enter into this secret; much less to know of 
any personal malice against him. He that was so tender- 
hearted, even to those whom he punished, could not 
provoke anyone to this height of revenge. Much less 
were they robbers, or any such poor rogues, that kill 

* Lloyd's Funeral Sermon, p. 22. 
. L2 



from popish recusants^ and quieting tbe 

men for what they hftve. These did their work grain : 
ibey left him all his moAey; they took nodling bat 
his band, except pa(>ers. 'Tis therefore very credi- 
ble, that the aathors had srome other interest tfaat< 
moved them to it. And that seems rather to hvre 
been against the government koA the lawfi. They^ 
knew bow firm he was in his duty to both ; and^ ptth 
hkps, th^had tried it in something else than we knbw 
of. If so, they could not but think it worth their white 
to send him oat of the world. One. that durst do hi» 
duty, when he knew whom, and what, he shoflld pm^ 
voke by it ; one that would give so ill an example to 
6tber magistrates^ which, if follow^,. might be tli^ 
ruin of th^ir cause; Irhat could they think of such « 
man i We canilot scare him, we cannrot bribe him ; but 
wis can kill him. Tliey could not have thonght of a 

more compendious way than that*.'' Whether 

this amounts to a proof that the Romaa^p^flbolfcs TfWt 
concerned in the death of Godfrey, may j)e tLXpHSffiM^il^ 
but whether* he was nrardered by himsel^.ior ^R^iNbeni * 
cm be none; more iespecially if ^e add, ^^^dflfMrhen 
the body was fbimd, the surgeons "dfliposed, dn Ae tryal 
of fierry> Oreen> and H ill, that his breast was «ti bestea 
wi'di ^ome ^obtuse weapon ; his neck broken ; a aword 
run through his body, but no evacuation of blood* 
Besides, adds the surgeon, his bosom was open^ atod 
he had a flannel waistcoat imd a shirt on; and neitber 
the^e nor any of his cloatfas were penetmted ^. A ^greac 
deal of gold nnd silver was fonnd in his pocket.* Mr. 
Hume would have done well to have considered this 

* Lloyd^s Funeral Sermon^ p» 26. ^ Id. p. 37. and Buraet, toI. I^ 

p. 4Q8. 


CHARLES 11. 149 

blinds of his majesty's subjects/' not being 
deemed fiiUy sufficient for the purposes in- 

evidence, before he had so peremptorily said, ^' there 
was some reasoa to suapeci; that he fell by his own 

5. If the ^oman ciuholics were wholly innocent, why 

did they attempt to bribe, to blacken, to defame the 

eTJilenccs made use of against them ^ Innocency gives 

courage : guilt inspires fear ; and fear lays hold on every 

twig for security. '^ One Reading, a lawyer," says A. Sid« 

ney to H. Saville, ^^ not long since, offered four thousand 

pounds, and three hundi^ pounds ayear in land, to Bed- 

loe, if he would disavow the testimony he had given 

^against the lords of Powis, Bellasis, and Peters; which 

lieing eommnnicaDed to prince Rupert, and earl of Essex, 

I)e brpugbt Beading, by their advice, into a place where 

t:W0 witnesses beard him : whereupon Reading was ap* 

preh^nded; and he having found means, whilst he was 

in the seqeant« hands, to seud a letter to bis wife to be 

•clelivered to Mr. Chyvips (desiring to be admitted to 

^be kings presence, promisij^g to tdl gneait ipatters), his 

xnaje^ty xefers hm whpUj to db bonae of commons, 

«>d oilers to mm ^ut a conuBisnon of Of^v md t^r? 

soiver for h^s t^ya), which will be veiy «pe^y, i£ he 

3«ive fiot bifP^«eV by difi/eoveiiies. This morning a letr 

t^ ^as i^t^rpep^^, wrUt^ to him by his wife ; wfa^rer 

1 1^ «b(9 t4l9 \km, tb^t ^evf body says he if a rogue ; 

and ff be dptfa mt coyiJku ^11, im will be Wgedi fvid 

a)^, tpgcAb^ wi^ her pbildrei»> ruined \'' In aiiuotber 

letter he writes, -^ Several priests were tgjj^ ihe l^st 

9f flb^ ; Pf vhUM twf> (confess they were se]nt f>\fir by all 

Qieag^ to e^eavojar to invalidate Oate3 a;^ Pedjbe's 

• ^f^f J-fljtUrB, p. 27, 


-•-■ •«*•"« - -, 


tended ; a new Test was devised **, whereby 
the members of both houses, and the king's 

testimony. Reading was this morning in the pillory, 
and is condemned to a years imprisonment^ and 1000 
pounds finfe, for having endeavoured to corrupt Bedloe*.* 
In short, persons were convicted, and for ought appr^ars 
justly, of suborning men to swear buggery against 

Oates, and of corrupting Dugdale^. Does not this 

look suspicious ? 

6. It is said, there is nothing extraordinary in the 
denials of the persons executed, at the time of their 
death. They pleaded innocency, it is true, to the last : 
but popery has a bewitching power, and is capable of 
making its thorough votaries say and do the most 
false and villanous things. '' Those who use to extol 
all that relates to Rome, admire the constancy of the 
five priests executed last week : but we simple people,*' 
says Sidney, ''find no more in it, than that the papists, 
by arts formerly unknown to mankind, have found 
ways of reconciling fidshood, in the utmost degree, 
with the hopes of salvation ; and, at the best, have no 
more to brag of, than that they have made men dye 

with lies in their mouths*.'* -What stress, indeed, 

can be laid on the assertions of dying men, when it is. 
well known that Bedloe and Turberville left the world 
asserting the truth of their evidence with regard to the 
plot; though few men deny that they were infamous^ 
perjured wretches, and unworthy of the least credit ^ 
—'The reader, as he has a right, will determine on the 
whole evif^ce. 

■•Test acts against papists were framed.] After 

• 8idBey»8 Letters, p. 4«. *S€e Stafford's Tryal, p. Ift anit^ 

Bamet. vol. I. p. 449. ^ ' Sidney's Letters, p. 124. * North's 

lifeofGaiiford, p. 125. 4to. Lood. 1742* Bametip. 5()9. 

CHARLES 11. 151 

and queen's sworn servants, were obliged 

what we have seen of the insolent behaviour of the 
catholics, and the great encouragement given to them*; 
we are not to wonder that the zeal of (he nation was 
raised against them, and every method devised for hin- 
dering the success of their designs. 

Hitherto fanaticism had been the object of dread; 
and those styled fanatics, by means of a^tc st, whereby 
the illegality of resistance, and of the solemn league 
and covenant, were to be declared^ and the sacrament, 
according to the rites of the church of England, to be 
received, had been kept out of corporations. For it 
was supposed, that men, who believed the lawfulness 
of resistance and the obligation of the covenant, and 
disliked the mode of administration of the sacrament, 
or thought it criminal, would not submit unto it. In 
a great measure this answered the purpose of the 
minister Hyde, who took every method to deprive his 
adversaries of power, and to establish such as would 
fall into measures for the advancement of regal and 

ecclesiastical authority. In the midst of the 

storms which had fallen with such violence on the 
several sects who conformed not to the public ritual ; 
the, papists had been pretty secure. It was now their 
turn .to have somewhat of the same treatment with 
other dissenters. On the 28th of Feb. 1672, it was 
resolved^ nem. con. in the house of commons, ** that an 
address be prepared, to be presented to bis majestf, 
for suppressing the growth of popery: and thai a bill 
be brought in, for incapacitating all persons, who shall 
tefuseto take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, 
and the sacrament according to the rites of the chorch 

* See note 10. 



to make a solemn declaration of their dis- 

of England, of faolding any public employmcnte, mili- 
tary or civil*." The address was drawn ; and, with 

the concurrence of the lords, presented; and graciously 
received* Nor was the bill unminded: for, on the 
12th of March following, it was resolved, by the com* 
mons, that the bill do pass; and that the title be^ 
'^ An act for preventing dangers which may happen ' 
by popish recusants ^" By this bill, which soon passed 
into a law, it is enacted, tinder severe penalties. That 
all and every person or persons, as well peers as com* 
moners, that shall bear any office or offices, civil or 
military — shdl take the oaths of supremacy and alle- 
giance; — and shall also receive the sacrament of the 
Lord's Supper, according to the veage of the church 
of England,-— in someparish-fshuTch, upon some Lord's 
day, unmediately after divine service and sermon. 4 
declaration against transubstantiation was required liker 

wiBe^ .Bumet informs as, " that great paiiis were 

taken by the court to divert this bill. They proposed, 
that tomeT^ard might be had to protestantdiafientere, 
and diat their meetiags might be allowed. By thia 
neazB they hoped to have -set them and the diureh 
party into new heats; for new all were mited ^gaisist 
popery. Lore, who served for the city of Londoo, 
and was himself a dissenter, saw what ili -«fieets may 
imdb. quanek flught have : so he moved, that aa «f«* 
fectaal security might be found against popery ; aft4 
that oodiiDg miight interpose till that was dcme. Whea 
that was over, then they wonW try to deserve 
tKwmer : but, et ppesent, tbey were willing to lye 
libe^aeverily of ihc laws, lather than clog a tmore 


• Journal. * W. * Stat. 25 Car. II. c. 2. 

CHARLES ir. 1.53 

belief of the most important articles of 

lary work with their concerns. The chief friends of 

1^ sects agreed to this *." " Thus," says this 

writer, ^ this inemorable session ended. It was, in- 
deed, much the best session of that long parliament. 
T.he church party shewed a noble zeal for their reli- 
gion ; and the dissenters got great reputation by their 
siknt deportment. After the session was over, the 
duke canried all his oommissions to the king, and wept 
, as be delivered them up: but the king shewed no eon- 
^oem at all. Yet he put the admiralty in a commission, 
composed wholly of the duke's creatures : so that the 
power of the navy was still in his hands. Lord Clif- 
ford left the treasury **." This, I suppose, at the time, 
was deemed no smell matter: for a popish lord high 
jMlmiral, and a lord high treasurer of the same religion, 
must have been objects of terror in such a season. In 
die passage first quoted from Burnet, it is said, *^ great 
pain« were taken by the court to divert this bill ;'* and 
it is truly said : for the tools of the court, who had 
lieen fiNreaiost in promoting persecuting bills against 
protestant dissenters ; and had laughed at, insulted, 
And vilified them on every occasion : these wretches, I 
say, al^bered now their note ; and talked loudly of hu- 
nmnity, religion, liardBhips of impositions, and many 
othar things, which all tlie world thought they had no 

sense of. ^ ^ Let men carry humanity about them,*' 

said Sir Joh» Duncombe, on this occasion ; who dcr 
daied ffl^rtbcr, ^ that ^ did not like to expose holy 
things in this manner. Many,'' added he, " are not 
prepared; and will you force him to swallow it down 
to damn himself* ?"■ Mr. Secretary Coventry said 

■ Barnet, voL I. p. 347. ^ Id. p. 252. ' Grey's Parliamentary 

.DdMte^, ToL n. p. 7B-40. 



faith professed by the church of Rome. 

in the house, '' If you make papists incapable of dan- 
gerous places, you will increase them ; ■ If papists 
may be merchants, and not soldiers, they will increase 

more: It is not prudent to make your plaister 

wider than your sore." — Sir John Birkenhead affirmed, 
** that, in queen Mary's time, were never put to swear 
it [transubstantiation]. Though there are distinctions 
of realiter, et veriy et corporaliter^ would not have .a 

scholastical oath. We say God is there, and the 

difference is de modo. Great charge on the synod of 
Dort, who would impose swearing controversial points. 
As the words are now penned, people are put to 
swear they know not what: and for the dangerousness 
thereof, would lay it aside*." Mr. Solicitor ^ioith 
'^ would have no swearing. — He was for the covenank 
test as a seditions thing. But as this is no way tending 
to it, but only as to doctrinal points, is against such 
an oath.'* Such doctrine, from such mouths, could not 
but be had in derision. — It is very observable, that, 
upon the first reading of this bill in the house of lords, 
March 15, 1672, O.S. the earl of Bristol spoke in its 

favour. This nobleman had made a great figure in 

the beginning of the civil wars, and had rendered him- 
self remarkable by his wit, his eloquence, his projex^, 
and exploits of various kinds. Whilst abroad, he left 
the protestant and took up with the Roman catholic 
religion, whether from motives of conscience, or po- 
licy, is uncertain. He, however, always declared him- 
self a catholic of the church of Rome, not a catholic 
of the court of Rome, in which character he chose to 

place himself for the view of others. ^After making 

a very handsome introduction, he observes, '* that the 

* Orey'i Parliamtatiry Debftiet, toI. IL p. 97. 


The duke of York, indeed, was expressly 

billy in his opinion, was as fall of moderation towards 
catholics, as of prudence and security towards the re- 
ligion of the 9tate. In this bill,'' proceeded he, " my 
lords, notwithstanding all the alarums of the increase 
of popery and designs of papists, here is no mention 
X)f barring them from private and modest exercise of 
their religion ; no banishing them %t such a distance 
from court; no putting in execution of penal laws in* 
force against them : all their precautions are reduced 
to this one intent, natural to all societies of men, of 

, hindering the lesser opposite party from growing too 
strong for the greater and more considerable one ; and 
in this way of just prevention, is not the moderation 
of the house of commons to be admired, that they 
have restrained it to this sole point, of debarring 

' their adversaries from offices and places, and from 
accessions of wealth, by favour of the sovereign f 
They considered well, that wealth and power, from 
public charges and employments, do range the ge- 
nerality of men to opinions and parties, more strongly 
far than all other arguments ; according to the saying 
of Eneas Silvins (himself a pope), That the popes su- 
periority over general councils would ever find most 
doctors for it, because the pope had so many bishop- 
net to give, the councils none. I sny, my lords, that 
in contemplation hereof, the wisdom of the house of 
commons has wholly applied its care, in this bill, to 
hinder (as appears most reasonable) those of an oppo- 
site party Irom a part of the government of that state 
under whose protection they live. It is true, my lords, 
ifmie Roman catholics may seem to be put to extra- 
ordinary tests in this act; and such as, upon the score 
of ooMciende, as a Roman catholic, I shall give my 


excepted in this a€t.*»-But,. as he was now 

negative to : but speaking as a member of a protestant 
parliament, I cannot but think prudent and reasonable 
in the proposers ; their end being solidly to secure the 
fam«f those they represent. And after all^ my lords, 
bovtffem do the sharp trials and tests of this act regard? 
only a few such Koman catholics as would fain hold 
oflices and places^gat the price of hypocrisy and dissir 
tonlation of their true sentiments in religion. My lords, 
I«a none of those, none of those wherry men in reli-« 
gion, who look one way and row another. I have had 
Ute liOBOur to exercise a great charge of state under 
the last king, of blessed memory ; and to continue the 
tame under our most gracious sovereign that now is ; 
till it pleased Almighty God to call me (even at the 
article of death) to that religion, wherein, I trust, he 
win give me the grace to live and dye, what danger 
•6ever may be set before me. But after that call, my 
first work, my lords, was to deliver up the seals to the 
king uncommanded, as judging it unfit (though theq 
in a catholic country) for any man of a different reli* 
gioQ from his prince, to exercise a charge of that im- 
portance under him; and I am now, my lords, much 

more of that opinion than ever*.*' This test, on 

the discovery of the popish plot, was enlarged. The 
reasons of it, as well as the new test itself, I transcnbe 
from the Statute Book, as follows: — " Forasmuoh (is 
divers good laws have been made for preventing the 
increase and danger of popery in ihis kiqgdom, whixih 
have not had the desired effects, by reason of the free 
access which popish recusants have had to his mBrr 
jestys court, and by reason of the liberty which of bikf 

f Two S|ieeclies efGwnfi, ^ri «f Srist^. JUpnd. 167i.dM» 

CHARLES 11. 157 

known to be a papist, and to have coin-* 
nexions with France and Rome, it was 
judged, tliat all hitherto done was lost 

some of the recusants bave had and taken to Mt and 
vote in parliament: Wherefore — be it enacted, that 
' — No person who now is, or hereafter shall be, a peer 
of this realm, or member of the house of peers, or sit 
there daring any debate in the said house of peen; 
any person that now is, or hereafter shall be, a m^ 
ber of the house t)f commons, shall vote in the hoaM 
of commons, or sit there daring any debate m the said 
hoose of commons ; after their speaker is chosen : until 
such peer or member shall, from time to time, respeotp 
ively, and in manner following, first take the several 
oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; and make, sub* 
scribe, and audibly repeat, this declaration following: 
" • I, A. B. do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence 
of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I do believe 
that, in ^e sacratnenc of the Lords Supper, there is not 
any trcmsubstantiation t>f the dements of bread and 
wine^ into the body and Mood of Christ, at or after Ae 
confleoration <l<beiDD4 bj ^^y person whatsoevel: : and 
that die invocation or adoratio« of the Virgin Mary, 
or aay other saint, and the sacrifice of the mass, as they 
iresww tised in the dburch of Rome, are BuperstitionH 
and idolaifcrous. And 1 do solemri]^ a the presence of 
GoA;, profess^ testify, and Jieclkge^ that I do mtikB this 
declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and 
ordinary sense of the words read unto me, as they 
ate comoKMikly understood by English piotestants, witfa- 
€)ttt JBAoy ^v^ETsioYi, cqui Vocation, or mental reservation, 
whatsoever, and without any dispensation already 
granted me for this purpose by the pope, or -any other 


labour, while the succession to the crown 
was within his view. A bill, therefore, 
was brought into the house of commons, 

authority or person whatsoever, or wHhout aay hop^ 
of any such dispensation from any person or authority 
whatsoever, or without thinking that I am or oiay be 
acquitted before God or man, or absolved of this de- 
claAition, or any part thereof, although the p^fii^t or 
any other person or persons, or power whatsoever, 
should dispense with or annul the same, or declare that 

it was null or void from the beginning*/' ^There 

was a proviso added, that nothing in the act contained 
should extend to the duke of York. ^This law ef- 
fectually cleared the houses of parliament from the 
Soman catholics. But the former law, if we may 
believe the commons in their address to his majtsty. 

May 29, 168O, was to little purpose. " The act 

of parliament," say they, "enjoining a test to be taken 
by all persons admitted into any public office, and in- 
tended for a security against papists coming into em- 
ployment, had so little effect, that, either by dispen- 
sations obtained from Rome^ theyarubmitted to those 
tests, and held their offices themselves; or those put in 
their places, wjere so favourable to the same interests ; 
that popery itself has rather gained than lost ground 
since that act " ■ » ■ Popery is subtle, crafty, com- 
pliaUe^n occasion, and insinuating : and the papists, 

' Stat 30 Car. II. c. 1. 
. ^ Sixty oomaiissioos to popish officers were signed, in aboat Are or six 
weeks, in the year 1678.— And Mr. Onslow, in the b(iuse of oommoui^ 
affirmed, that a ball was set up in St James's chapel, with orders to all 
coiift ssors to absolve men for taking the oaths and the test Gny'i Par- 
liamentary Debates, Tol. VI. p. 219. 


for excluding '^ him from succeeding to the 

the men of skill among them, know how to accom- 
modate their principles and behaviour to those over 
whom they endeavour to bear rule. Any thing, but 
an absolute renunciation of their principles, will they 
profess ; and conform to the customs of heathens ; in 
order to proselyte them to a doctrine much worse than 
hcftthep. The behaviour of the Jesuits in China is a 

suffifjiqint proof of this. Burnet tells us, the latter 

test " passed in the house of commons without any 
dif&cnity. But in the house of lords, Gunning, bishop 
of Ely, maintained that the Church of Rome was not 
idolatrous. He was answered by Barlow, bishop of 
Lincoln. The lords did not much mind Gunnings 
arguments, but passed the bill. And tho' Gunning 
.hjEid jsaid that he could not take that test with a good 
conicience; yet, as soon as the bill was passed, he 
took it in the crowd with the rest. The duke got a 
Iftpf^so. put in for excepting himself. He spoke, upon 
that occasion, with great earnestness ; and, with tears 
in his eyes. He said. He was now to cast himself 
upon their favour in the greatest concern he could 
have in this world.. He spoke much of his duty to the 
king, and of his zeal for the nation : and solemnly pro- 
testiDd. that, whatever his religion might be, it should 
only be a private thing between God and his own 
jIKnUi and that no effect of it should ever appear in the 
government. The proviso was carried for hitn by a 
£ew voices; and, contrary to all mens expectations, 
iyHUsed in the house of commons*." How well the 
4nke of York, kept his word, may, perhaps, be seen 

'? A b}ll was brought in for excluding the duke of 

• Burnet, v©l, L p. 435. • 

\^^ J^-^i 

^_ ■■ 


throne. This was a bold step: but, in 

York from the saccession to the crown.] If Coleman's 
papers were defective in proof of the plot, they amply 
shewed what the nation was to expect if ever the duke 
succeeded to the crown, as there was great probability 
he one day would. In a letter to the French kinged 
confessor, dated, June 29th, 1674, Coleman says, *' I 
am commanded to tell you, that his royal highimsy'ipy 
master, is very sensible of the friendship of Vkf'^tiaA»t 
Christian majesty, which he will endeavour to cdti^ 
vate very carefiilly, and give him all possible assurances 
of it, to take away all jealousies that his enemies would 
raise to the contrary. That his royal highness has 
done nothing, in any manner whatsoever, nor in fltiy 
place, against the interest of his most Christian im* 
jesty; but hath rendered him all the good offiett iMi^ 
hath been capable of. That as for recalling the parUtfrt ; 

ment, and touching my lord A •, his highMss !§*• 

altogether of the opinion of his majesty, that neifMi^ 
one nor other is useful, but quite contrary, very dan^ 
gerous, as well for England as France; and that his 
most ChristiMi majesty is in great danger of losing the 
neutrality of England at the next session (if the par- 
liament meet), as he lost its alliance by the peeoe of 
Holland at the last ; because the lower house, md their 
friends (as the furious protestants, and the malecon- 
tents in the house of lords), have a design to lessen his' 
royal highness, and root out the catholic religion; and 
they think they cannot make use of any orther fitter 
means to attain their end, than to raise the Dutdll, ^mH^- 
to perplex his most Christian majesty as nraeh as If^-. 
in their power. That his highness doubt's not^ Imtit 
is absolutely necessary for the interest of his most ^ 
Christian majesty, and his royal highness, to use all 


ej^te of edurt infli^nce^ it passed in du# 

jtodeavonrs tp binder th^ meeting of the parliament^ 
by perswi^tog his Britonnic majesty, that bis greatt> 
pesa, his honour, and bis quiet, are no less conceraii^ 
therein thi^n theirs; so that if his most ChristiatB Wm:' 
jest J would write ffredgfijias thoughts theneupon to hil 
Br. ms^eatj, to fiMwn^ him of the danger he apprei* 
iiends from theaojs; «ad wonld withall think fit tf 
* make bim the same generous offers of his ptirse, te 
perswade bim to dii^olve the present parliament, as fat 
bath done to his bigbnes? for the ekction of anodher^ 
perhapf be would succeed therein by Ihe assistance 
we wotiM iffive kin^ here *.''^— r^In a letter to the intieiv 
miBciai dated dl Aug. 1674, \(e says, ^* it is the duljEt 
f^ne upon whom all the rest {of the catholics] do «»• 
lii^y dfpend V^ A^d in qi letter to %hp tome perssiii^ 
|iat<4 Sept. 11 foUowitg, he tells him, *' your friendl 
Ibe tmiperpr wnd the po))e, wiU 'hare ^ £sir tHscasiosi of 
laying ^aiics of their friendship^ Mr* {the dube^ 
^y joining <ihe^ etoedit and interest to Jfi^, to: mak& 
Ihe |;reat design (whioh be bath «o long Apditated) 
iacceedf to tfindermiQe t\^t intrigues of dbat coflb|>asiy 
#f iserdWit^ who i^rhde for the parliameiit and the 
r^igtoo^ Md to esfMiblish that of the associated catfaoN* 
lit^i in tf^^y j^laiee, which raay be fione (without ttif 
greiLt trouble), if the emperor and the pope will grani|; 
-bim their assistani)^, aad that Spain will not too obr 
ftinately oppose Wfi; as ^e hf^th hitfaertp done to hii^ 
own pr^ttdiceS**-*-*— In 't^ letter fkna the intemmiciq, 
dated Bruzelles^ 14th Aug. 1674, 4t is said, f the em** 
p&tOT i^ entity tbe d«ke-s ; and the intemuneio bai| 
tbiji weejf; redeived letters from him, wherein he Gonl7 

* Coleman's |NSt|e^, p. |. ^ Id. ip. 7* "^id* p. 1% 

YOL. V, U 

^ ■»!* I ariirhiilrtftlfcHi rfw t ■ • i- -. .v i 


form where it took its rise ; and was mBcii 

mands him to assure the duke of the passionate seal 
be has for his service, and those of the catholicsL. I 
.Jfi^ you acquaint the duke with it; and assure biiD^ 
* iimt the internuncio has also the same inclinations, a» 
be will make appear on all occasions that shall present 
themselves : but it must be the duke himself mutt 
direct in what we may contfibute to his service* The 
pope also will give his assis^nce in such things as^are 
proper for him to appear inV— — In a letter from. 
cardinal Norfolk to Coleman, dated Ap. 18, 1676, we 
read, *' that cardinal Norfolk had, some timesino^ 
a letter left at his lodging, from the duke, by I know 
not who; yet he called himself the duke's agent: 
and by what cardinal Norfolks servant tells me, he 
seemeth to be an Italian, as it is most probaUe; 
ibr,. if he were of England, I think, he ^ould not 
'iq publickly give himself that name, which can d* 
•the duke no goo9 at present to be called so-in^ 
Rome publickly: although I think it were very 
fitting the duke should have a good one ; «nd if 
he like of it, cardinal Norfolk offers him who useth 
to write to you, Mr. J. Lay ; for whose abrlityjMfide^ 
lity, and activity, cardinal Norfolk will answer; and 
what he cannot do, cardinal Norfolk will supply, 
and this without taking the name of it or any inte^ 
lest, which certainly others would expect, and, per- 
haps, want: but he doth neither. This you may oiler 

the duke in cardinal Norfolk's and his name**/' 

I will add but one or two passages more from the car- 
dinal's letters. '* What you wrote," says he, " >of 

the dukes being advanced one step towards the cathoUe . 

* Cokmaii'f Letters, p. 31. ^ Id. p. 87. 


applauded by the friends of their country. 

r^igiony was a mOst welcome news to cardinal Noiv 
folk, who ' presently rejoiced our pope and cardinal 
Altieri with it: and now yours of the twenty-seventh 
htith fully compleated cardinal Norfolk, our pope^ aad 
cardinal Altieri's joy with it*." And again, in ano- 
ther letter, ** Hie adjoined pacquet, which I now direct 
to you, contains the popes brief, in answer to the se- 
cond letter from his royal highness^." After the 

publication of these letters, no man could possibly 
deubt of the religion and politics of the duke. His 
principles were most dangerous ; his connexions fatal 
%6 the nation : and it behoved every man of sense and 
virtue to guard against him. Accordingly we find the 
best men in the house of commons took the aJarm. 
Lord .Russel, Nov. 4, 1678, moved to " address the 
king, that his royal highness may withdraw himself 
from his majesty's person and councils ^.^ This being 
seconded by Mr. Booth, produced a great debate. The 
courtiers were firm to his royal highness; and had 
strength 4MDgh to adjourn the debate. The king, 
however, df9tight proper to assure both houses, that 
he #oidkl be ready to give his consent to such rea- 
lonsLMft iSnis as should be presented, to make them 
safe in the reign of any successor, so as they tend not 
to impeach the right of succession, nor the descent of 
the orown in the true line; and so as they restrain not 
his power, nor the just rights of any protestant suc- 
cessor. This, possibly, would have satisfied at that 
time. But the long parliament being dissolved, which 
had manifested such zeal for bis majesty^s service, and' 
been so much at his beck, and another of a dififerent 
complexion chosen ; the current against the duke ran 

* Cokmaa's Letters, p. 98. ^ Id. p. 92. * JournaL 


11— *jM^M*MMMMtta^»'n,'MBrt'iA'r> • \. .\ ^..^m^, ij 


■ In the house of lords it met a different 

so high, that, though he ahsetited from the kingfft pmpr 
son and couDciis% it was resolved^ ** May 9, iSTd^ that 
the duke of York's being a papist, and the ho^ of 
his coming such to the crown, has gi>^en the greatest 
oonntenance and encouragement to the present conspi* 
raci^B and designs of the papists against the king, 9xA 
the protestant religion **/' Two days aftfer, being SaiH 
day, " it was resolved, that a bill be brought in to di|k» 
able the duke of York to inherit the iinperial <^roWii of 
this realm'.'' A bill was accordingly brought in, tead 
twice, and committed to a committee of the wb<>Ie 
house; but proceeded no farther, by reason of the (mto* 
rogation and dissolution of the pcurliament. The mat* 
ter did not rest here ; but was revived and prosecuted^ 
with the utmost zeal, by the commons (though ri^ected 
by the lords, and had in abhorrence by his majesty), in 
the two following parliaments. But all in vain. Thl» 
king was determined to adhere to the succetssion, and 
prefer the interest of his brother to that of the natie»» 
Worthy shepherd! excellent king! Idfiiqr nev^r. a 
prince of this disposition reign over us agaifi. ■./ * 
It is very natural to suppose a bill, of this eMradtdip 
nary nature, mnsthave been warmly debated. ' I*1iR:t> 
it was. Some account of these debates I will give ftnp 
the satisfaction of the reader.-- — -Mr. Harfoord, with 
great spirit, declared, " he was satisfied, as long as the 
duke had any prospect left of coming to the a*owD> 
the king could not be safe. So long as Mary, qneen 
of Scots, was alive," continued he, " queen Elizabeth 
was neither safe in her person or government.— *-Thc 
king, in his Speech, bids us look to the prosecution of 

* The duke went abroad ; first into HoHand^ and then to Brussels. 
^JoumaL .Md. See slio Tfmple'^ Works, vol. li. |k 538. «▼». 


fitte> ■ Hii^ majesty's dislike to it being 

llie ploty that he and the kingdom may be safe. This 
being constdered, you have reason for your vote. I 
appeal to you, whether, since the king came in, our 
misery, direetly or collaterally, has not arisen from, 
•the duke. My tru^t is here for the people and the 
Hitate; and I have no gratitude to pay the duke. The 
king is his sovereign lord as well as mine; and I ap- 
peal, whether tt was not for the duke's sake this wife 
•was procured for the king. A great part of the world 
thought her incapable of children: but such was the 
authority of some people then, that they laid this as 
the foundation for the duke to succeed. Jn short, 
ftom tbence we may derive our woes. Let us sec 
what the nation hath done for him contrary to all pre- 
oedents. At Oxford, a hundred and twenty thousand 
pounds was givien to the duke for his good services at 
ica. And after you had stigmatized persons in parlia- 
ment) they were taken into bis service. Two persons 
were raised by him. Lord Clifford was introduced, 
supported, upheld, and maintained by the duke. Po- 
pery, and arbitrary power, have attended things for 
thiSRe several years last past. I shall never forget how 
the EngUsk were sacrificed at the fight with the Dutch 
•t Solebajr* Vo preserve the French kings subjects, 
the English were exposed, and foreigners saved. Lord 
Siandwich was forced to command the blue squadron, 
tad to. give precedency to the white flag of France. 
When they thought they had made a mjmke,-,wd the 
"English were exposed, three or four of the French 
Alps fought, and they were turned out of their plaees 
for it when they came home. And- when that villain. 
Sir Joseph Xordan, betrayed the fleet, the duke got him 
B pension. And who commanded this fleet we all 
kn^w. I must say; that it is my opinion, that till the 

■■■■■■■lliartAtamtortni-iwii.k-MVi'i •. ,•■/"."; 


publicly known, through the politeness <tf 

papists see that the duke cannot be king, the king's life 
will be in danger. Therefore, I move for a bill lo ex- 
clude the duke from the succession*." Colpnel 

Titus observed, ^^ all was now at stake; and/' added 
he, " I am comeliither to do my duty, and to speak plaiii. 
Was there any place left ibr moderation, or expedient 
I would run into it. To act moderately, that is to act 
with reason : immoderately, is with passion. No paaa 
advises you to love your wife and children moderately, 
or to serve God moderately. One on the highw^ 
advises me to ride moderately, or I shall tire my horsey 
or break my neck ; and it is good advice. But wbcm 
thieves pursue me, to advise to ride moderately, is 4^ 
have me knocked on the head, and lose my purse. A 
ship captain, who had sprung a leak in his ship, ad- 
vised his men to pump moderately for fear of calen- 
tures; but the men pumped on, and saved the ship» 
But for whom do we urge ihis moderation ? Is it for 
one to expect moderation again i For our souls, we 
are heretioB; th^}^ will burn us, and damn us. For pur 
estates, they will take our lands, and put monk^ and 
fryara upon them. Our wives and children must beg; 
and this is the moderation we are like to expect from 
^em. But this is not the worst of it .yet. ^Though 
protest^nts differ ever so much in principles, and di«- 
obligations; yet, upon common principles of humanity, 
they agree. But here is no probability of that from 
the papist^. i||^fobody did promise more not to alter 
religion, to me Norfolk and Suffolk men, when thejr 
stuok to her title, than queen Mary did ; but when sbg^ 
came to th^ crown, she burnt them, and was even with 
tbem: and for the crown of England, she gave them a 

• Grey's Debates, vd. VIL p. 39ii. 

CHARLES It. 187 

Ike fiobles, who had pretensions to courts 

«rown of martyrdom \''-' Mr. Boscawen said, ''Can 

any man think tliem [the papists] the disciples of 
Christy that have murdered so many good Christians/ 
uld committed that massacre in Ireland, where the go- 
vernment was protestantf After all kind usage and 
intermarriage amongst them, the papists in Ireland 
murdered some hundred thousands : a thing not heard 
of among heathens! These I cannot call Christians. 
If'this be so, we cannot expect better usage from them 
^an our ancestors have had. Remember the massacre 
of France, where, under pretence of inviting all the 
great protestants to the king of Navarre's marriage, 
they had their throats cut. In Piedmont, the poor 
protestants were hanged up like mice and rats ; and we 
cannot expect grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles. 
We can expect no better from them. Consider the 
duke's interest ; how it is engaged with France and 
the pope against England, in opposition to the king, 
and the parliament, and the true interest of England. 
God is my witness, had I the least .probability of secu** 
rity, I would not open my mouth against the duke's 
succession. The king living, and. though the parlia-* 
ment hiBS made so many declarations against these 
restless spirits, yet nothing will content them; and all 
from the great encouragement they have from the' 
hopes of the duke's coming to the crown, and the 
jv^ptenance they have from him. As for the legality 
^l|C^.,putti9g the duke from the succession^ fcc. the sta- 
i||t0 t)f the 13th of Eliz. puts that out of question^ and 
jclf-preservation is no breach of Christianity. I now 
'^9i9k.iox the whole \>ody of England, to our pres^Var 

« Qrey'» Debates, vol. VII. p. iOa 


favour i and the gratitude of tbe bidiopi^ 

tion; wbicfar connotrbe without somethmg of this nv 
tnre. If it should be made lawful ta rise agacnst m 
king thttt ii^a papist; why should we not preveot U, 
Knd having our throats cut, and going tor SmithfieUlt 
It is natural in every government to preserve itself. 
Here is no majvs et mittu$ in thtU case> that makes nd 
difference. If you mdlfe a king that shall have tutors; 
you, by that, dethrone him: either yw must make him 
no king, or your laws will not bind him when he is 
ting. The nation was easily drawn into popery after 
queen Mary's time; and the privy counsellors in Hetti 
Yin's, Edw. Vl's, qiieen Mary\ and queen EKza^ 
beth's time^ all changed, when the prince changeA 
They w^re of the bishop of Paris^s mind, who wooM 
not crhange his part in Paris for his part in Paradise^ 
Tbe nature of our government is quite contrary to any 
expedient. The king names all the counsellors, judges> 
and bishops. And what manner of king would yon 
make hhn, by limitkig him? It was the saying of 
Kii^ James, Let me make what bishops and judges I 
please, and I will have what laws and religion I please^ 
As for the fear of a civil war, if once the potting the 
duke from the succession, 8&e. be a law; whoever rise 
s^iast it aratraytors. Nothing will unite protestants 
*fcwt tWs biS? nothing will prevent a civil war but this, 
andprevent us from being hauled to Smithfield : nothing 
^ble will prevent this but the bill, and therefore llMa, 
for it*." — :— What spirit; what force of expreniairf. 
What 2691 for religion ; what love of liberty i$ bmtA 
Ka fawning on majesty; no court to ministers; noeJb^ 
pressions of servility; proceeded from the months af 

* Qtef'r Debates, toI. VII. p. 411. 


§ar4hsai {preferments; mixed with hope8» 

ike €vcr-g1oTiou» pah-ons of this bill. In an age 

Hketbiti wbtn we are openly told^ ^ that no branch of 

Chrittianrty iftiololerant by principle;"' ** that it is 

the opinion, in a manner unirer^ly held by all eatho- 
^Mfii, that the pretence to the deposing power was an 
Wvrpation of the court of Rome f — '' that it is no\t 
%euT 200 years since the popes pretended to exercise 
this power, which is a tacit disavowal of it* : " 
when we are taught to believe that the Irish rebellion 
was far from being the effect of religious opinion; and 
trifling, in comparison of what has been represented^: 
» ■ ■ and when popery is looked upon as so harmless a 
Ihing, ** that popish bishops reside here, and go about 
•Vo esercise every part of their function without offence, 
aod without observation^:^ in an age like this, the 
>ea) expressed in these speeches against popery, and 
the terrible consequences apprehended from its re^ 
introdoetion amongst us, will appear very amazing. — 
But we are to remember, that the promoters of the ex*- 
dtision bill had read history; attended to facts; drew 
proper conseqnetices from them ; and were mvt to be 
talked out of their senses by men void of shame. They 
•llnew, that popery was always the same : — intolerant, 
barbarous,, and bloody. They knew the decrees of 
eoiinci Is against heretics; knew, that there were inqui- 
Mtions; knew, that there were dragoonings, and perse- 
MtioAs, most horrtdy carried on against the protestants, 
«t that very time. What were promises in the eyes of 
l|pen, who were f%illy convinced, that though a prince, 
-#llo embraeedthe Romish faith, sfaonld promise not to 

*• GoDsiderations on tb« Penal Laws against Roman Catholics, p. 7— d. 
#V0. tend. 1794. ^ Brockets Tryiil of Irish Roman Catholickt, 

JMnrsk * Aniwer to Mayhew's Ohferrationt, p. 66. Svo. lond. 17S4. 


170 tftE LiFfi OF 

peihaps, of 'wfidaire good things: ^^h i^j 

•persecute his protestant subjects, aceording te AeJM^ 
nor of popish severe and sanguinary^ laws; y^ UMii^ 
lemn promises eannot give to them any jost sec mi if Hif 
freedom and exemption from those ^punishments \ 
Had not the Moriscos^ in Spain, solemn promiaflv^ 
Had not the Hugonots in France? Aye; and iMitb 

too-! — !-4)at they were of no avail. Whether k 

lie an opinion, in a manner universally held by allo^' 
tholics, that the pretence to the deposing power was m. 
usurpation of the court of Rome, will be easily judgec^ 
whea the reader is informed, '^ that no longer ago than 
Sept.. $5, 1728, Hildebrand (Pope Gregory VII. one-of 
the most wicked of mankind, and muost infamous* dMI 
of popes) was exalt^ into a saint by Benediot XIIi» 
and ill a supplement to the Roman breviary, hi^ fosU* 
val is ordered to be kept by all Christians with ^a door 
ble office. The collect is, ' O God ! the strength oS^H 
that trust in thee, who hast endued the Uesaed Gre^ 
gory, thy confessor and pope, with virtne and con- 
stancy to defend the liberty of the church; grant to 
us, that, by his example and intercession, we may 
overcome valiantly all that opposeth us.' -And If 
point out in what particular his zeal is to be imitate4» 
the lessons for the day tell us : No pope, since the 
apostles' days, did or suffered more for the churchy or 
fought more desperately for it. Against the impi(W 
attempts of the emperor Henry, he stood an intrepid 
champion, and deprived him of the communion -of Bthe 
faithful, and of his dominions; and absolved cdl-Ui 
subjects from their allegiance.*— ^^ While he was emL* 

* See a Discoum conccnuDf Lam mmd% sfainst HeretSci b/ Pqp«, Am» 
f, 34. 4to. Load. IMS. 


nUijtiiity of the lords rejected the bii^ 

biBtiog iiui8s> a dove was seen flying down irom hea- 
ven, and sitting with expanded wings on his right 
•houlder, as a proof that he was guided by the inspira- 
tion of the Holy Ghost. - A t length this true saint 

-went to heaven, &c. By order of our most, holy fa*- 

ther, Benedict XIII. lord of the city, and of the world 
(urbU 8f orbis). Signed, N. Cardinal Coscia".'^ — Thi» 
is a " tacit disavowal," with a vengeance! . T o 

retom* -In answer to these arguments, Mr, Hyjie^ 

the .duke's brother-in-law, better known by his title of 
iKarl of Rochester, which he afterwards obtained, said, 
^ I am of opinion, that the duke, for deserting hii 
rdigipn, deserves a great many mortifications from the 
natioii; and, I believe, the duke is convinced, that it 
caaiiot be reasonable for him to expect to come to the 
erowv tapon such terms as if he had not. given those 
appf^hensions and jealousies. The question is urged 
for bringing in a bill of exclaaion : but there is one 
. question before that. Whether the house, will go into 
a grand committee, to. consider of ways and means for 
the preservation of the protestant religion ? Does any 
man think this bill- will pa3s the lords, and the kin^ 
toQ? I pray God the king may outlive the duke! 
But if it comes to the duke's turn, whether will the 
dukeacquiesce in this law ? What security of import- 
ance it, if the duke outlive the king f The 
lung, by passing this bill, will involve the nation in a 
ci?il waty and then the short question will be, Whe^ 
tl|M| civil war is more dangerous than a popish suo^ 
c^Kf Are these looked upon as trifling things} 
There are more protestaats than papists in England i 

* lATini^'g SBth«M«n of Paplttf and Methodists, part III. p 274. 
8vo. Lotiid. IISU 

* » -. 

Mtfca<fcaMt*ytiiafliiiiAi»nmTi<iA'"V - ■ .i-' — &. 

in tffiE LIFE OF 

Jthougfa eYideDtfy calculated to prevent the 

«uid diey may give a popish successor trouble^ should 
he attempt a change in religion. In all timies there 
have been a great many worthy men, who, in all diffi- 
«allies, will stick to the crown; and, in process of 
time, there will be discontents among them who o^ 
|M>8e the crown : and those that are not pleased, wiH 
join with them that are loyal, and there will be trouble 
ni hanging the succession. It has been hinted, over 
the way, as a remedy to preserve religion, To IcttTC 
the duke as a general without an army. Now you have 
an opportunity, you may make several laws to sufqiMrest 
popery, and of leaving the duke alone ; which being 
so, he cannot subvert the protestant religion, ^oa 
^ave now opportunity, and you know a popisk' iac^ 
cessor, and may bind James, duke of York, by BlMe; 
nad there is one pow^r yet above between hint Ad 
the succession. The duke may die before the Mug; 
and the king may msify again, and have a successor. 
Besides, the crown has but a narrow revenue; and thia 
parliament must supply it from time to time for the 
ordinary exigencies of the crown, and the parliament 
will then provide for their own safety better than by 
taking this way proposed \- " ' Sir L. Jenkins argued 
on the same side of the question; and, among mM^ 
other things, observed, ^ that the consequence of *liiAi 
bill is altering the government from successive ^^ 
elective. The successor is to be disinherited, beoitfse 
of a supposed demerit: and where we can punish de->- 
merit, we may reward merit ; and, eon6equentl]|MM 
crown may be removed from the royal line t^i»y 
ptiiier. Bjiit I confess myself at a loss to knowv'fcjr 

• Grey's Debates, toI. VII. p. 402. 



grratest mischief. Such was the iaflueoce 

what law or authority we can do this, or by what rules 
w« are to try and judge of the qualification of our 
princes. I do not here consider the duke's personal 
merits ; because I should speak as much for any one 
next in blood, though without merit at all. I might 
say, first, as to bis religion, if it is popish, yet that he 
is no bigot; because his children are all bred protest- 
ants, and so are his servants, especially those that have 
the largest share in his esteem; and that he has never 
been wi^Bting in respect and favour to any one of that 
profi^ion. That he is not only the presumptive heir 
of die crown, brother of his present majesty; but the 
son of a' king, for whom so many of your ancestors 
have laid down their lives and liberties, and most men 
their fortunes. That he hath fought our battles with 
bravery; that he is exactly just between man and man; 
a strict observer of his word: and never yet enlNncbed 
on msy man's property : these things malice itself can- 
not-ct^ny ; but, with me, they are the least considerable 
in this case, for it is his apparent, indisputable right of 
succession, which I most contend for. The law says^ 
If a man is disseised of an estate tail, bis child, though 
not born at the ti|n^4|£ihis disseisure, shall have a writ 
of formedon, and shfjlti'ecover; because his father was 
disseised contra formam donationis. And if in private 
estates descents do regulate possessions and properties; 
why should it be otherwise in the ca«e of kingdoms? 
or what casuist can give me a saffievent reason, why 
the JbirtluHgbt of princes should not have the same 
mles of natural justice, as those of private men ? Or 
how can any one think, that wrongs and injuries done 
to princes, must not, one time or other, be as severely 
accounted f^r^ as those done to other men i Could 

>^^>«JL^^-^-- ■ ■ ■■ ■ V - >.-■:■ 


6f this monarch in that august asscmblyt 

the late king have disinherited his present' majesty ? 
No : because he was to succeed by the law. No more, 
therefore, can his present majesty consent to disinherit 
him that is next in blood. And, I dare say, this is 
the first instance of any such attempt against a prince 
t?hose proximity of blood is indisputable *." Burnet 
tdls us, " all Jenkins's speeches and arguments against 
the exclusion, were heard with indignation**.** We see, 
indeed, they were wretchedly contemptible, and even* 
unworthy of serious argument among men cacfibble of 
discernment. — ^But though the majority in thenouse 
of commons were thus zealous against the duke, they 
were far from being determined amongst themselves 
-who was fittest to succeed to the crown. Some, it 
seems, were for the prince of Orange; others, for the 
duke of Monmouth ; whilst a third party were only 
upon n^atives, as Mr. Sidney speaks. " But,** adds 
he, '' when I have said what I can upon this btidifiifes,' 
I must confess, I do not know three men of aitniiM; 
and that a spirit of giddiness reigns amongst us, far 
beyond any I have ever observed in my life*."— — 

To' go on. The bill was argued for in the house 

of lords, by the earls of ShaftaAwy and Essex ; and 
the lord Halifax was the chani]rifeii on the other side, 
who is said to have gained great honour in the debate, 
and to have a visible superiority to Shaftesbury in the 
opinion of the whole house. Let us, however, hear' 
the account of this debate, as preserved by Mr. John* 
son, from lord Essex himself. "That learned noble- 
itian, the great. earl of Essex/' says he, ''was pleasedi 

« Jenkins's Ufe, prefixed to his Letters, Vol. T. p. tOI. fot Eond: 1784^ 
. > Bnniet, ToL I. p. 482» ' Sidnty's Lettcjs to Sarilte^ p^ 5S« 


CHARLES ir. 175 

A* popish successor, probably, in hi& eye 

to tdl ime what arguments he insisted upon in that de« 
bate. The first was^ that the regality of England was. 
an office, concerning which the seventeenth chapter of 
king £dward the Confessor*s laws is wholly spent; i^nd' 
it is so declared to be in many acts of parliament as 
low as queen Mary's time : and that a woman, as well 
as a man, might be invested with the regal office^ 
Hereupon he said, that a person unqualified, as atl the 
wofld-knew the duke of York was, could not be ad- 
mitted to that office. Upon discourse about this, I 
leaieittber his lordship was pleased to take down Lam- 
bert's' Saxon Laws, and shew me several particulars ia 
that seventeenth chapter which I had forgot. His se« 
cond argument was to prove, that if the duke of York 
had unqualified himself for that high office, as he plain- 
ly had for the meanest office in England, then the par- 
liafaient had, undoubtedly, power to foreclose him and 
set aside his remainder in the crown ; because they 
had power to do more; I'his, he said, was the known 
law of England, and agreed upon by lord chancellor 
More; and Richard Rich, then soUici tor general, and 
afterwards lord Rich; as a first-established principle; 
Upon which they argued about the siipremacy. It 
stands thus in the record, as- we have it, p. 421, of 
lord Herbert's History. The sollicitor demanded. If 
it were enacted, by pigrliament, that Richard Rich 
should be king, and that it should be treason for any 
man to deny it ; what oifeuce it were to contravene 
this act? Sir l^mas More. answered. That he should 
offiSui if he said no, because be was bound by the act^f 
-Intt' this was casm levis : whereupon- sir Tiiomas said^ 
kajvroald piopose a higher case ; suppose by parliameo^ 
^t^iMre eoacted quod Deus nonrit X>aii9and.thatitw«cp 

■^^ mmw» 


17« THE HFE O* 

could be no curse to his people ; and he 

treason to contravene ; whether it were m otkAce tcr 
say according to the $aid act. Richard Rich repliedf 
yea : but said withal, I will propose a middle case, be« 
cause yours is too high. The king, you' kkiow, is coth 
stituted supream head of the church on earth : why' 
should not you. Master More, accept him so, as yon 
would ipe if I were niade king by the supposition afore* 
faidf Sir Thomas More answered, The case wa^ not 
the same ; because, said he, a parliament can mw l w i a 
king, and depose him : and that every parliaiiiaMMBri|| 
may give bis consent thereunto; but that a MrlgMt 
pannot be bound so in the case of supremacy, ' Qui% 
consensum ab eo ad parlamentum presbere npn poteif;^ 
et quanquam rex sic acceptus sit in Anglia, plurimai 
tamen partes extern idem non affirmant.' Because the 
parliament^man cannot carry tbe subjects consent tp( 
parliament in this case (that is to say, nobody- fe^ 
Christ could make his own vicar, and the hMidl'i^ 
heaven make the bead on earth) ; and although ik^:* 
king be held to be bead of the church here in Eaglan^j; 
yet the great^t part of the world abroad are of anothn*- ■ 
mind. ^Here Sir Thomas More stuck ; for, I bdiew^ 
stick he did, because he laid dointn his life for it : but^ 
you see, that the undoubted unquestioned law of the 
land was this, that a parliament can make andt Repose 
a king, for it is the foundation of their arguing t «nd 
it cannot be thought that a learned lord chancellor and 
follicitor general should be both ignorant in the fi^il 
tnrinciples of the law. Neither would Richard Rick 
bave been made a lord, and the head of a noble finfeiiy 
of earls, if it had not been current law in those dogf^ 
for such a principle upon record would bave beea W- 
bad, and hurt his preferment as much, as if he hiA 


might be unwilling tp punish his brother 
for that of which he knew himself equally 

been stigmatised. And^ therefore, my lord of Essex's 
"Wgument was more than measure ; that if a parliament 
could make and depose a king, and make Ridiard 
Rich king, much more they might foreclose the duke 
of York, who was no king, and more unqualified than 
Richard Rich ; and might make tlie prince of Orange 
king, anotherghess man than Richard Rich.«— Thus 
that great man argued : but care was taken that he should 
&rgUe for the good of his country no more. — I ndeed my 
lord of Essex told me, that his adversaries in that debate 
waved tlie jargon of divine right, and the line of succes- 
sion ; — ^and at that time they betook themselves chiefly 
to reasons of state. They were got at the old scarecrow^ 
ve«iient Romani, the fofeign catholics would espouse the 
duke of York*s quarrel $ theantient kingdom of Scotland 
would admit him for their king, in opposition to our act 
of parliament; and this would entail a dangerous war 
upon the nation (that is, I suppose, the navy royal of 
Scotland would have given law to the English fleet). 
Tjiey were, likewise, doubtful of Ireland t and if these 
two kingdoms were dismembered from us, the solitary 
kingdom of England would not make that figure in the 
world as it used to do. And therefore, according to 
the method of all hired politics, they must make sure 
of sinking three kingdoms for fear of losing two, and 
deliver up the castle for fear the suburbs should revolt. 
With such fitting arguments was that cause supported : 
and if I have broken any rules in repeating that great 
inan*s private discourse, now it is done, I cannot he^p 
it*." ^The pressing this exclusion bill by the 

• Works of Mr. Sam. JohasoD, |^ 3ia ^L Lon^ I'TIO. 
YOL. V. V 



guilty* An excellent prince, truly! — His 
conduct^ indeed, in other respects, was 

ocmimons, in the two last parliaments, was one reasoo 
given by his majesty for their dissolution. — " Ck>ntnu7 
to our offers and expectation, we saw that no expedi- 
ent would be entertained but that of a total exclusion ; 
which we had so often declared was a point, that, iu 
our own royal judgment, so nearly concerned us, both 
in honor, justice, and conscience, that we could never 
consent to it. In short, we cannot, after the sad ex- 
perience we have had of the late civil wars, that mur- 
dered our father of blessed memory, and ruined the 
monarchy, consent to a law, that shall establish another 
most unnatural war, or at least make it necessaiy to 
maintain a standing force for preserving the govern- 
ment and peace of the kingdomT And we have reason 
to bdieve, by what passed in the last parliament at 
Westminster, that if we could have been brought to 
give our consent to a bill of exclusion, the intent was 
flot <to rest there, but to pass further, and to attempt 
some other gseat and important changes even in pre- 
sent \'^ This and other things, most reproachftdito 
the majority of the house of commons, in two parlia- 
ments, was ordered to be read in ail churches and 
•chapels throughout the kingdom. But they wanted 
not their advocates ; who observed, on this declaration, 
'' that his majesty does not seem to doubt of his power, 
in conjunction with his parliament, to exclude his bro- 
ther. He very well knows this power hath been often 
exerted in the itime of his predecessors : but the reason 
j;iven for his refusal to comply with the interests and 

'* Dadanlion toaching tbe causei that moved him to diaiolTe the two 
ktt Parlismeiiti, p. S. foL Lond. 1681. 


greatly detrimental to the nation; as it 
tended to increase the power of France, 

desires of his subjects, is, because it was a point which 
concerned him so near in honor, justice, and consci- 
ence. Is it not honorable for a prince to be true- and 
faithful to his word and oath i to keep and maintain 
the religion and laws established? Nay; can it be 
diought dishonorable to him to love the safety and 
welfare of his people, and the true religion established 
among them, above the temporal glory and greatness 
of his personal relations i Is it not just, in conjunction 
with his parliament, for his people*s safety, to make 
use of a power warranted by our English laws^ and the 
example of former ages r Or is it just for the father of 
his country to expose all his children to ruin, out of 
fondness unto a brother i May it not rather be thought 
unjust to abandon the religion, laws^ and liberties of 
his people, which he is sworn to maintain and defend, 
and expose them to the ambition and rage of one that 
thinks himself bound in conscience to subvert them^ 
If his majesty is pleased to remember what religion 
the duke professeth, can he think himself obliged in 
conscience to suffer him to ascend the throne who will 
certainly endeavour to overthrow it, and set up the 
worst of superstitions and idolatry' in the room of it i 
Or if it be true, that all obligations of honor, justice, 
and consciencei are comprehended in a grateful return 
of such benefits as have been received ; can his ma- 
jesty believe that he doth duly repay, unto his pro- 
testant subjects, the kindness they shewed him, when 
they recalled him from a miserable helpless banish- 
ment, and with so much dutiful affection placed him 
in the throne, enlarged his revenue above what any of 


the natural rival and foe of Britain. 
On his restoration, he began to league him* 

his pl^decesBors bad enjoyed, and gave him vaster 
solas of money in twenty years than had been bestowed 
upon all the kings since William the First; should he, 
after all this, deliver them up to be mined by his bro^ 
ther? It cannot be said that he had therein more r&* 
gard tinto the government than to the person, seeing it 
is evident the bill of exclusion had no ways prejudiced 
the legal monarchy, which his majesty does now enjoy 
with all the rights and powers which his wise and brave 
ancestors did ever claim, because many acts of the 
like nature have passed heretofore upon less necessary 
occasions. The preservation of every government de- 
pends upon an exact adherence unto its principles ; and 
the essential principle of the English monarchy being 
tliat well-proportioned distribution of powers, whereby 
the law doth at once provide for the greatness of the 
kin^, and the safety of the people ; the government 
can subsist no longer than whiJst the monarch, et^oj-^ 
rug the power which the law doth give him, is enabled 
to perform the part it allows unto him, and the |»eople 
are duly protected in their rights and liberties. For 
Hhis teason our ancestors have been always more care* 
fttl to preserve the government inviolable, than to 
lavour any personal pretences ; and have therein con- 
formed themselves to the practice of all other nations, 
whose examples deserve to be followed. Nay, we 
l:now of none so slavishly dddicted unto any person or 
iamily,'a8, for any reason whatsoever, to admit of a 
prince who openly professed a religion contrary to 
that which was established amongst them. It were 
<easy to alledge mnltitade of examples of those who 


self close to Lewis XIV. (to whom Dun-f 

have rejected princes for reasons of far less weight 
than difference in religion ; as Robert of NormaDdyy 
Charles of Lorrain^ Alpbonso a desperado of Spain: 
bnt those of a later date^ against whom there was no 
other exception than for their religion, suiteth better 
with our occasion. Among whom it is needless to 
mention Henry of Bourbon ; who, though accomplish-^ 
ed in all the virtues required in a prince, was, by the 
general assembly of the estate at Blois, declared un- 
eapable of succession to the crown of France, for being 
a protestant. And notwithstanding, his valour, in* 
dustry, reputation, and power, encreased by gaining 
four great battles; yet he could never be admitted king, 
till he had renounced the religion that was his obstacle. 
And Sigismund, son of John of Sweden, king of that 
country by inheritance, and of Poland by election, was 
deprived of his hereditary crown, and his children dis* 
inherited, only for being a papist, and acting conform- 
ably to the principles of that religion ; though io all 
other respects he deserved to be a king, and was most 

acceptable to the nation *." " — Thos^ who would see 

more on this debate, may read the tract from whence 
this is taken ; the ** Brief History of the Succession/' 
contained in the same volume; and '^ Johnson's Ju^ 
lian ;" with which, if be has leisure and inclinatioiKf 

he may compare " Hicks's Jovian.'' ^It must not 

be omitted, ^' tliat the whole bench of bishops wa^ 
against the bill of exclusion ^." Such useful members 
were they of the house of lords ! such patroiis of the 
protestant church in which they presided! ud so 
great a concern had they for the happiness of the com- 

• SUt« Tracts, ▼oL I p. ITT. » Baraet, voL L p. 482. 

-^ -^i*4l»-^-bH^ 


kirk was sold'* in an infamous manner); 

mnnity in which they so largely shared honour and 
profit! However, they, it must be owned, remembered 
their creator. 

'• He sold Dunkirk to the French king.] Charles 
assured the count d'Estrades, ambassador of France 
(who had complimented him, in his master's name, on 
his re«*establishment in his dominions, and notified his 
desire of the duke of OrIeans*s marrying the princess 

of England) "that he never desired any one's 

friendship so much as his majesty's : that he esteemed 
himself happy to know, by what he had told him, that 
his wishes were accomplished : and that if the emperor 
and all the kings of the world had asked his sister, he 
would have refused them all to have given her to Mon- 
sieur, for the very reason of being more nearly attach- 
ed to his majesty*s person : that he was pleased that 
his conduct was approved by him : and assured the 
ambassador, that, for the time to come, his majesty 
8honId have reason to be pleased*.'*—— And good rea- 
son indeed, after this, he had to be pleased. For 
Dunkirk, acquired by Cromwell with glory, and deem- 
ed so important l^y the very house of commons who 
called home the king, that a bill was passed by them 
for annexing it to the imperial crown of this realm ^ : 
——Dunkirk,' I say, was sold to his most Christian 

Majesty for the sum of five millions of livres. Some 

few extracts from the negotiators of this important 
affair may be acceptable, perhaps, to the reader, who 
has curiosity and taste for matters of this nature* 
Lord Clarendon^ in a letter to the count d'Estrades, 

* D'Estrades' Letters and Negotiations, p. 107. 8vo> Lond. 1755. 

^Jeurnal, Dec. 7, 1660, . 


whose mischievous schemes he adopted, 

dated, Hampton Court, June ^, 1662, writes, 

" As I have frequently reflected upon several particu- 
lars of the sundry conferences we have had together ; 
and finding a disposition in the king, my master, to 
give all sorts of proof of the desire which he enter- 
tains to bind still more the ties of friendship betwixt 
him and his most christian majesty ; I have sent on 
this journey M. Beltings, whom you know to be a 
person in whom I confide, to communicate to you my 
sentiments : to whom I desire you to give credence, 

&c,*^ But D'Estrades being set out on his journey 

as ambassador to Holland, Charles writ him a letter, 
dated July 27, 1662, from Hampton Court; in which 
observing that his letter might find him at Calais, be 

adds, " for which reason, as I have a great many 

things to communicate to you, and to resolve upon an 
affair which the chancellor hath proposed to me, I 
wish you would, to oblige me, turn a little out of your 

road, and take this in your way **.'* ^This affair 

was Dunkirk; in which, as we shall presently see, 

Clarendon was most concerned. —D'Estrades, in a 

letter to the French king, dated London, Aug. 21, 
1662, says, ** the chancellor [Hyde] told me it was 
pure necessity obliged his master to part with Dan- 
kirk ; and that he was not afraid to let me know this 
from the beginning, because he treated with me as one 
who is a friend to the king of England, and the minis- 
, ter of a great prince his ally, of whom he had no dis- 
- tnist ; and that in both those characters he would own 
to me, there were four expedients to be taken in the 
now proposed. The first, to treat with the 

* ITEstndes' Letters, p. 898. ^ Id. p. 929. 



and helped to carry into execution. Th* 

Spaniards ; who^ at this very time, offered any terms 
for that town : the second, with the Dutch; that offer-* 
ed for it an immense sum : the third, was to put it into 
the hands of the parliament ; who would be at all the 
Isxpence, and leave the king full as much master of it 
as at present: the fourth was, to bargain with your 
mkje$ty : which last appeared to him more just and 
iiiore agreeable to his majesty's interest, which was the 
reason he had made me the first proposal. But that 
after hearing what I offiered, and which he had re* 
port^ to the persons abovementioned [the duke of 
York, general Monk, lord Southampton, and loni 
Sandwich], and had met to come to some resolution ; 
every body was surprized," and easily remembered, that 
when Cromwell had offered it at 500,000 crowns, it 
Vras exclusive of thie artillery, stores, and thie new 
tirorks, which were t6 be paid for over and above : and 
ispbh this resolved rather to put the place into the hands 
of the p^liament ; because, that when it was known 
th^t It fa^ Been disposed of for so small a sum, the 
king cbtijii hot blit expoi&e himself to reproach ; or he, 
the chancellor, at least, might be liable to a public 
censure that might endanger even hit life. That it 
vas hiB opinion, rather to make a present of it to your 
majesty, and to leave the price to your own generosity; 
but that as this was not in his power to do, and he 
^as 8Q deeply concerned in conducting an affahr of 
such delicacy, he w^ obliged to conceal his opinidi^ 
aiid to seem to agree with that of others, so as-dol ft» 
appear as the chief promoter of this treaty. Th«| Che 
most pressing argument which he made use of to pre^ 
vail with them to consent, was, the supply of money 
which the king might draw from thence; and thai 


titereby he might discharge the debts he was obliged to 
be bound for in maintaining this place : but that mj 
scanty offers had destroyed that motive^ and shewed 
them that either we had no trade, no inclination to 
have Dunkirk ; or that we put too small a value upon 

it*.** It may be well supposed so able a man as 

D'Estrades availed himself of such a conversation. 
His master had, he well knew, a great inclination to 
have Dunkirk; but he was desirous of having it as 
cheap as he could. A bargain, at length, however, 
was drove. The terms were advantageous on the side 
of France; and, for the trifling sum above-mentioned, 
the town, fortifications, artillery, and warlike stores, 
were put into her possession. What follows from the 
ambassador's letter to Lewis, dated London, Oct. ^7, 
1662, will not, it is presumed, be deemed unacceptable 

by the reader. •' At last," says he, " after several 

delays, and getting over several di£Bculties, I have 
signed the treaty of Dunkirk ; and send it over to your 
majesty by this express. I ought not to omit, that the 
chancellor was the person, of all the others, who suf-^ 
fered most during the contest which was formed by all 
the council on this affair. The commissioners labour- 
ed most to break it off; and it may be said, that the 
reasons alledged Avere so strong, that the king of Eng* 
land and the duke of York would have been staggered, 
had he not taken great pains to keep them to their first 
resolutions. This was apparent to all the court; and 
from thence they took occasion to blame him as the 
sole author of the treaty. His enemies, and all the 
Spanish faction, have attacked his conduct on that 
Bc6re; and cry loudly against him, that as he had very 
impolitickly made the match with Portugal, before he 

• IVEitndet' Letters, p. 245. 


had secured the protectioaof France; so be had ai 
imprudently parted with Dunkirk^ without being as- 
sured of that strict friendship and union^ which he 
boasted of would be procured with your majesty by the 
treaty in relation to that place. That when you oncfe 
found yourself master of it, without any stipulation or 
particular engagement with England, you would think 
your civility nothing but meer courtesy, which would 
&ot embark you in any affairs. That as his ovm inte- 
jest had made him engage in the business of the matcbf' 
to be revenged of some bad treatment from the Spa- 
niards, and out of fear of being supplanted by the Spa- 
nish faction in England; so out of a view to his own 
interest, by being supported by that of France, he had 
sacrificed the interest of the king his master, and had 
given up a place whicb^ for the honour of EugUiad, 
and its importance to foreign nations, was more valur 
ble than all Ire]and.-~^There have been so many tun&* 
ings and windings in this affair to oblige me to speak 
again and again so often to the king, the duke of Yorkf 
and the chancellor, that it would be tedious to give 
your majesty an account of them ; but I must still do 
them the justice to say, that their manner of treating 
was the most honourable I ever saw ; and I do not be- 
lieve there is an instance to be found in history, where, 
in a negotiation of 5 millions, or even a much smalldr 
sum, one prince has been satisfied with the bare word 
of another for the payment' of the money ; especially 
being a prince but lately restored to bis dominions, 
whose prerogative is but small, and the authority di- 
vided between him and a parliament. This uncom- 
mon procedure fully perswaded me that the king'^f 
England very earnestly desires to be in friendship with 
your majesty, and knows how useful it may be to him; 
and that the chancellor seconds and cherisbea this dis- 

CHARlES 11. 187 

first Dutch war, weakly begun, and with 
dishonour concluded; and the Triple 

position for his own particular interest ; and that it is 
for this sole reason, principally^ that the duke of York 
goes to have an interview with your majesty at Dan- 
kirk, to give you stronger assurances of this : and, I 
helieve, he will be furnished by the chancellor with 
some informations, which may be of use at any such 
time as your majesty may form any designs in Flan* 

ders*." ^The royal brothers and Hyde, we see, in 

the opinion of D'£strades, were very good Frenchmen; 
and the chancellor merited the thanks Lewis returned 
him for his favour in this negotiation **. If this man 
merited too at the hands of his country, on this occa- 
sion, it must have been by mere luck: for whether set- 
tlements on the continent are eligible for England, or 
not, was no p&rt of the consideration with him : but 
how he could get most money for his master, and in- 
gratiate himself with the king of France, who treated 
hiib, after all, in the time of his distress, but very scur- 
▼ily for his pains. It was, however, a just reward for 

his iniquitous behaviour in this affair. If the reader 

will be pleased to turn to lord Clarendon's own account 
of the gale of Dunkirk, he will find a very striking in- 
Utance of his truth and sincerity. For notwithstanding 
all here written by D'Estrades, at the very time, and 
on the spot, the chancellor t^ls the world, that " he 
was averse to it : that the king [of France] sent M. 
IXEstrades privately to London to treat about it : that 
the business was first referred to a committee, and then 
totbe privy council, where it was fully debated and 
agreed to, lord St. Alban's only dissenting : and that 

* jySitradfli' Letten, p. SS5. ^ Id. p^ 319. 



188 ^HE LIFE OF 

League '^ so well known, and so much 
tdked of; may be thought exceptions to 

whether the bargain was ill or well made, there conld 
be no fault imputed to him; he having only, with 
Borne other lords, been appointed to treat for the sal^ 
the matter having been deliberated and fiilly debated*." 
What belief is due to such a writer! Party-men may 
CbU him great and good ; but the impartial enquirer 
iato facts will be at a loss to know how he merited 

ibese characters. It should not be omitted, ** that 

the advising and effecting the sale of Dunkirk,'* was 
one article of impeachment against his lordship by the 
house of commons^. 

■• The first Dutch war and- the Triple League.] 

It is not my design to enter into a minute detail- of the 
one or the other of these remarkable events, a8 thej 
may be found very particularly related *in most of our 
histories. Suffice it here to say, that the aversion hit 
majesty had to the Dutch; the hatred entertained 
against them by the duke of York ; tlie desire of gain 
by the merchants ; and the readiness, of a pension-par* 
liament to advance the necessary supplies; all con- 
curred to engage in a measure which turned out great^ 

io the nation's dishonour. In his m^jesty'^i '^ de» 

daration^ touching his proceedings for reparation #nd 
satisfaction for several injurious affronts and .Sj^ils 
done by the East an<f West India companies, . ipd 
other the subjects of the United Provinces %** he says, 
*' Whereas upon complaint of the several injuries ^kme 
unto and upon the ships, goods, and persons.jtf iff^ 
subjects, to their grievous damages, and amosniSllg fo 

* C1arendon*s Continuation, vol. IL p. SS3— 991. ^ Joamal, 6th Nor. 
1667. * Fol. Lond. 1664, O. S. See also Tinple^ WwkSy viA. 1. p. 905. 

CHARLES 11. 189 

this assertion; as the one made a breach 

vast sums ; instead of reparation and satisfaction which. 
hath been by ns frequently demanded, we found that 
orders had been given to De Ruyter not only to abaa* 
don the consortship against the pirates of the Mediter- 
ranean seas (to which the states general had invited 
us) ; but also to use ail acts of depredation and hostility 
ftgainst our subjects in Africa. We thereupon gave 
order for the detaining of the ships belonging to tb^ 
States of the United Provinces ^ yet, notwithstanding, 
we did not give any commission for letters of marque^ 
nor were there any proceedings against the ships ^e^ 
tainedy until we had a clear and undeniable evidence 
that De Ruyter had put the said orders in execution^ 
by seising several of our subjects ships and goods* 
But nojv finding that our forbearance, and the other 
remedies we have used to bring them to a compliance 

with^tts, have proved ineffectual we have thought 

fit 4o declare to all the world, that the said states ate 
the aggressors, &c/' These reasons were not very ex" 
traordinary. For as to the injuries done to the mer« 
chants, they were old complaints, and in a way of ao« 
eommodation: and the Dutch themselves had reasoa 
ta complain of the tAing of Cape de Verde, and some 
-East India ships by the English ;-^-'~*and, conse* 
^neatly, there was ground rather for arbitration than 
9nur. But the court was not to be diverted from it. 
ix i[began with vigour, and was carried on with zeal on 
both sides. Many battles were fought with great bra- 
ytttj, in which the English, for the most part, were the 
eonqiierors. The French, with Denmark, pretended to 
come in io aid of the vanquished. They did, however, 
batJrttle* At length the Dutch took a severe revenge : 
tbeir fleet entered the Thames, and burnt part of the 

V*^^ ■■*-i*^ 


between the two crowns, s^nd the other gave 

royal navy; to the no small mortification of their ad- 
versaries. This iMTought on a peace (which was con* 
eluded at Breda, in Jane, 1667); whereby the English 
were no great gainers. Sir William Temple, in a 

letter to lord Arlington, dated Brussels, July 19, N.S. 
1667, speaking '' of the good news writ him by his 
lordship of the Dutch being beaten off at Harwich;" 
adds, '' for since we are in a disease, every fit we pass 
well over is so much of good, and gives hopes of re- 
covery. I doubt,'' continues he, ** this is not the last; 
for, I bear, De Witt is resolved that their fleet shall 
not give over action till the very ratifications of the 
treaty are exchanged : in which he certainly pursues 
his interest, that the war may end with so much the 
more honor abroad, and heart at home; for, oom- 
. moniy, the same dispositions between the parties with 
which one war ends, another begins. And thdQgh 
this may end in peace; yet, I doubt, it will be iivith 
so much unkindness between the nations^ that it will 
be wisdom on both sides to think of another, as well 
as to avoid it. All discourse here is of the peace as a 
thing undoubted; and every pacquet I receive from 
England confirms me in the belief that a war abroad 
is not our present business, till all at home be in bet- 
ter order; no more than hard exercise, which strength- 
en's healthy bodies, can be proper for those that have 
a fever lurking in the veins, or a consumption in the 
flesh; for which rest, and order, and diet are necessary, 
and, perhaps, some medicine too, provided it come 
from a careful and a skilful hand. This is all I shall 
say upon that subject; which, I presume, has before 
this received some resolution by my lord ambassador 
Coventry's arrival : for, I confess, my stomach is come 


a check to the French conquests in Flan- 
down; and I should be glad to hear the peace ended^ 
mnd our coasts clear, since it will not be better : but all 
this while, multa gemens ignomimam plagasque suptrbi 
hosiis ; add, I am sure, would not desire to live, unless 
with hopes of seeing ourselves one day in another 
posture; which God Almighty has made us capable of, 

whenever we please ourselves *.'* A war of this 

nature, carried on with so much spirit and resentment, 
by nations whose real interest was very different from 
that of France, could not but give her much pleasure. 
*' Fdr France had an interest either to dispose us to so 
much good will, or, at least, to put us into such a 
condition that we might give no opposition to their 
designs: and Flanders being a perpetual object in their 
eye, a lasting beauty for which they have an incurable 
passion, and not being kind enough to consent to 
them, they meditated to commit a rape upon her, 
which they thought would not be easy to do, while 
England and Holland were agreed to rescue her when- 
ever they should hear her cry out for help to them. To 
this end they put in practice seasonable and artificial 
whispers, to widen things between us and the States. 
Amboyna and the fishery must be talked of here ; the 
freedom of the seas, and the preservation of trade, must 
be insinuated there : and there being combustible mat* 
-ter on both sides, in a little time it took fire, which 
gftve those that kindled it sufficient cause to smile and 
hug themselves, to see us both fall into the net they 
had laid for us. And it is observable, and of good ex- 
amine to us if we will take it, that their design being 
lo set UB together at cuffs to weaken us, they kept 

I Tnaple^i Wocfci, tol. L p. 899. 


derst but it is well known) that, as the 

themselves lookers-on till our victories began to break 
the ballance: then the king of France, like a wive 
prince, w^as resolv^ to support the beaten side, and 
would no more let the power of the sea, than we ought 
the monarchy of Europe, to fall into one hand. In 
pursuance of this he took part with the Dutch, and in 
a little time made himself umpire of the peace between 

UsV Another writer of the same age ob- 

seives, that '^ after several propositions of leaguev, and 
many arts used to raise jealousies between ns and 
the Hollanders (dreading nothing more than a datable 
lind firm friendship between two nations, who, if 
tmited, might easily set what bounds they pleased to 
their auibition), they at last sided with the Dutch, 
though with no other intention than to see us destroy 
each other; or, at least, so far weaken and exhaust 
ourselves, that they might with less opposition invade 
their neighbours and increase their naval strength : 
nay, their policy went further ; and in the very heat of 
the war they still kept negotiations on foot, and made 
overtures and proposals of peace by means of the late 
queen mother: whom in the end they deceived so far, 
OB to assure her (and by her his majesty), that the 
Butch would set ho fleet out (that summer the peace 
Was concluded), whilst underhand they pressed the 
Dutch, with all the vigour and earnestness imaginable, 
to fit out their ships, with a promise of joining theirs 
to them. Upon this parole of the French court, 'tis 
too well known, we had no fleet out, as well as what 
followed upon it when the Dutch, meeting with no op-* 
position, entered into the river of Chatham; so that 

• lUWhx'B MUcelluiiM, p. 141. 


CHARLES 11. 193 

former was advantageous to France, by 

though the French had no other hand in it, they had 
been siill the trne cause of that unhappyaccldent: but, 
withal, it is more than probable they were themselves 
the autlioi's of that counsel ; and most certain it is thej 
knew of the design before the attempt was made^." 
--Such were the sentiments of the most intelli- 
gent £nglishmeR on this affair. The Dutch — many of 

them — reasoned in the same manner. " There are 

others," says Sir William Temple, speaking of the Hol- 
landers, " thai lay the wai- upon the conduct of France, 
by which, they say, we were engaged ia it: that the 
present king was resolved to pursue (he otd scheme laid 
by cardinal Richlieu, of extending the bounds of 
France to the Rhine ; for whicli ends, the conquest of 
Lonain and Flanders was to he first alcliieved. That 
the purchase of Dunkirk from us was so violently pur- 
sued for this end, without which they could not well 
begin a war upon Flanders. That after this, ibey had 
endeavoured lo engage the present ministry in Holland 
to renew the measures once taken, in cardinal Rich- 
iieu's time, for dividing Flanders between France and 
Holland: but not succeeding in it, they had turned 
all their intrigues to engage us in a. war, which might 
make room tor their invasion of Flanders; whilst the 
two neighbours, most concerned in its defence, should 
be deep in a quarrel between ihemselves. That ihey 
made botli parties believe they would assist them, if 
there were occasion; and would certainly have done 
it. That as they took part with Holland upon our 
first successes at sea, and the bishop of Munater's 
treaty; so, if the successes had been great on the Dutch 

■---^'•^-"jH^*"^'--'" - 


weakeaing • tKe powers most capable bu 

sHe/they ivoaId"have'*a8sisted u« in order to prolong 
the warV This is pretty true, I believe. From 
D^Estrades' negotiations at this period, in Hollatid, if 
appears, that the king of France was meditating' his 
seizure of Flanders: that the pulse of DeWittw<if 
felt on that head: tlidt, to render him and the States 
General favourable to this design, great professions of 
friendship were made to them : that when the differ* 
ences between thetn and the English terminated in tf 
utrar, Lewis long balanced on which side to declKre. It 
moreover appears, that the said monarch was not vety 
t^ell affected to the Dutch; but that, to hinder tbett 
total overthrow, and the aggrandisement of the £ng» 
lish thereby, he at length pretended to give them the 
assistance which, by a fot-mer treaty, t|;iey had a right 
to claim. Of this declaration in their favour he, how- 
ever, determined to avail himself. He got ships of 
War built for him in Hollatid at a cheap rate: he aiip^ 
plied himself from thence with military stores andam^ 
munition : in a word, he now laid the foundation of 
that naval force whieh we have had so much trouble to 
destroy. Bat the Dutch reaped little advantage on 
their side by his coming into the war: the French 
kept themselves out of harm's way, on various pretence; 
and refused to aid their ally id the most imminent 

D'Estrades, in a letter to the king, Aug. 5, l666,i 
says, "The letter Monsieur Van Beuningen wrote diis 
post to the Sieur De Witt, makes him very chagrnp. 
It contains, that he had spoken to your majesty, inthe 
name of tlie states, to demand twelve fireships, and t4 

* Templ<2*8 Works, vol. L p. 309. 

CHARLES 11. 195 

And rnost interested in, opposing h^ ambi- 

raise some seamen in 'your majesty's maritime towns 
to put aboard the fleet in the room of soldiers^ of whom 
they have enough^ which your majesty have received* 
That he afterwards demanded the two iireships that 
aie-of Denmark^ and very near their fleet which is in 
sight of the English, and conld not obtain them : that 
the next day he wrote to Monsieur De Lionne, in very 
pressing terms^ to desire him to back his demand of 
the two firesbips with the king; to which he received 
no answer: that being thus refused, he. could not but 
be mightily concerned to find his masters exposed to 
maintain by their arms alone the war against the ene- 
itiy, who had made so great an efibrt : that diey might 
judge, by that> whether they ought to expect to be 
joined by your majesty's fleets since two useless fire- 
ships> six leagues from the place where the combat was 
to be, were refused : that he was amazed to find their 
interests were so little considered in France^ as to let 
occasions slip of pulHng down the common enemy, 
i— ^That, reflecting on these things, he thought it 
was for his masters interests^ and that he was bound in 
duty to give them notice of it^ that they might take 

their measures before they- were undone V Indeed 

the whole conduct of France (who did nothing for the 
Outch, setting aside the troops seht to their aid against 
the bishop- of Munster, for which she was fully paid) 
excited no sentiments in her favour iii the minds of 
Jthe people of Holland. This ^e may fully learn froni 
D*Estrades' letter to the king^ dated> March 31, l66Ti 
in which, among other things^ he writes as ibllbwetb: 
>■■ ■' * * That which gives me the most trouble is^ to finil 

*I.ette» andNefOtiations^ToU IL p. 560. 9^9* laai^VllU 



tious views ; so the other was but of a very 

the people in general so inclined to receive wrong iAi« 
pressions of France and the present government. No 
endeavours have been wanting to set them right in 
that particular ; and if they were capable of judging 
their own interest, dw reasons contained in youiffiPr 
jesty's letter would h^ sufficient to undeceive tiien* 
But they are so obstinately blind, and so foolidb^as 
to believe your majesty's principal design is to watch 
your opportunity, and cmquer them as soon as you 
have made sure of Flanders. It is not M. De Witt, 
nor the men of sense among the States that believe 
this ; but the generality of the people, and the m^is- 
trates m ibe particular towns> whose ordinary conver- 
nation rutis upon nothing else. I am daily endeavour^ 
ing to silence these false reasoners with arguments the 
most solid and effective; such as, the many obligations 
your majesty has conferred upon the states ; the aux- 
iliary troops sent into Holland; the peace with (he 
bishop of Munster; the rnptiire with England; the 
great expences your majesty had been at; and this 
diligence used to have a fleet at sea able to assist theSi 
|iow€!rfully this campaign. To this I added, that their 
Apprehensions were no bett^ than illrgrounded concep- 
tions and real falshoods; but that my allegations were 
true in fact, and that they enjoyed the effects of them 

Ibr these twelve months past^." It was not long^ 

liowever, before De Witt talked to' the ambassador 

himself in the same strain.? ^\ I have been," say» 

D'fistrades, in his letter to his master, dated May 19, 

'1667, '* with M. De Witt.— He told me, he wa» 

mightily, surprized to understand your majesty wa» 

f Iclten and K^gotiatioost, vol* III. p. 90. Sto. Lond. 1711. 


short continuance. For Lewis being angry 
with the Dutch, determined to take a severe 
revenge : and, in concert with Charles, pro- 


> upon the point of marching to the frontier ; and that 
at the same time thdtyoa was setting forth the queen's 
right to the States : that your majesty had often a88ur<- 
ed M. Van Beuningen, that you would undertake no« 
thing without their participation ; and yet^ without so 
much as giving them time to examine the validity of 
your pretensions, you execute your designs at the 
same time that you acquaint the States with them, 
which is contrary to the opinion the States had that 
your majesty would act in this particular with greater 
cbnfidence towards them, allowing them a reasonable 
time between the advice and execution : that he hoped 
your majesty would have explained yourself, either to 
the States or to him, what places or countries you 
liNsnld be contented with, that a stop might be put to 
m flame that is breaking out in all parts of Cbristen- 
4ei]ki : ihat he had offered before, and is still ready, to 
iise his interest with the Spaniards to perswade them to 
U accommodation ; and he was in hopes of succeed- 
ing, if he had time to manage the towns, and obviate 
th^ jealousies they are under of your majestjr's entry 
into the Low-Countries during the treaty of peace, 
which convinces all the world that your majesty is 
agreed underhand with the English :** to which he 
added, " They have long observed your majesty's af- 
fection to the States to be grown cooler, and that every 
thing has been practic'd in France that could contri- 
bute to the ruin of their trade, by imposing heavy 
customs upon all Dutch manufactures, and by trying 
all ways to entice their workmen into France, from 


jected the conquest of the.United Provinces. 
This brought on *° a second war with Hoi- 

•whence however several of them have returned without 
finding the encouragement they expected*."—^ — — r 
These remonstrances bad no effect. The king marched 
in person, iq a short time after, at the head of an army 
of 35,000 men, commanded by Turenqe ; besides two 
other bodies, under t;he conduct of D'Aumont and 
Crequi. His progress was rapid. AW places fell be- 
fore him: nor were the Spaniards capable of making 
any considerable resistance. The neighbouring states 
took ^he alarm : nothing was heard but execrations on 
the French king. His perfidy ; his ambition; and the 
danger all near him were in, from hU daring acts of 
violence ; were become the talk of ijiost nations. The 
Triple League between England, Sweden, and Hol- 
land, was now formed ; which saved Flanders, in some 
measure, for a time, by ipducing the French to Bg^ 
.with Spain, and restore part of their conquests, by jy|i|» 
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, May 2, 1668.— T^ns'^ 
Charles, with honour to himself, with satisfuctioii 1^ 
his .people, and the applause of his allies^, in sooie 
meastire, atone for his impolitic steps in commeQciDg 
and conducting the Putch war; whereby the two.i^Diir 
tending nations were weakened, and France had a? 
opportunity of meditating, and, in part, executing 
those mighty schemes of ambition which since hav^ 

proved so fatal to herself and her neighbours. How 

long his majesty continued thus to act, will be seen in 
the following note. 
^ The second Dutch war^ engaged in by Chai:leg> 

■ Letters and Negotiations, vol. ITT. p. 156. Svo. Lond. I7\l. ^$9^ 

"f e»ple*s otters, Jan. 28, 29, July 22. 1668. < ■ - 

land; which was like to have terminated in 

Mrent near to ruia that. rep ublicy and the liberties. of 
Europe.] It appears from D'JSstrades, that the Triple 
League gave great offence to. the French.: and that 
though, for the present, they said little publicly; thejr 
harboured thoughts of revenge against Holl^ud^ which 
80 unexpectedly and suddenly had united with their 
common enemy, — " As for the ill proceediugs of these 
people here," says be^ *' there is sufficient ground to 
make them doubly and certainly feel their effects when 
the peace is made. I know their weakness as well as 
any man, and on. what side they are to be taken when 
the king pleases : but this is not the time */' — r— M^ 
de Lionne, in his letter to D'Estrades, dated March % 
1668, tells him, ** that he had two hours discourse witt^ 
Van Beuningen [the Dutch ambassador]: that be ha^ 
told him only as his private .opinion, without any -prdef 
from the king to say it to him| that he wo^ld hay^ 
engaged his head for it^ that the peace would inf^iillibly 
have been concluded on the conditions of one of th^ 
two alternatives, if the league fit the (I^gue h^ not 
been made; but that (his league having given th^ 
wprld a prospect which might make it judge that all 
that the king haddoqe only from his own inclination, 
and to apquife thp glory of moderation, which at pre- 
sent is the pnly thing which remains to be gotten, he 
would at present do it, as it were by force, for fear of 
the said league; which appeared," continues he, "so 
hard to a prince of the king's humour, who prefers hi« 
glory to all other considerations, that I could not say 
any thing more of it. And, indeed, I cannot be suffir 
ciently surprized, considering the prudence of those 
engaged in this negotiation, that they did not, as it 

* Letters aod Kegotiations, voL III. p. 5^5, 8to. Iob^. 171 1, 



the destruction of that republic, and the 

were, bury in the secret articles, as well as the third of 
the said articles, all that might seem imperiously to 
prescribe a law to the king, or the conduct he is to 
chuse, that if he will not, that they will make him do 
It by force ; as is expressed in the place where it is said, 
that his majesty shall not' any longer use his arms in 
Flanders, nor even receive the places which would sui^ 
render to him*.** — We may well enough therefore 
believe Voltaire, when he tells us, " that Lewis XIV. 
wsu filled with indignation to behold such a little state 
as Holland forming designs to set bounds to his con- 
t^uests, and be the arbiter of kings : and his indignation 
was increased, when he found that this little state wa^ 
able to do this. Such an enterprise of the United 
Provinces was an outrage he could not bear, though 
lie affected to disregard it : and from that time he me- 
ditated revenge *'."— Agreeably hereunto lord Halifaar, 
who was well acquainted with the affairs of this reign, 
observes, " that the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was a forc'd 
put ; and though France wisely dissembled their inward 
dissatisfaction, yet from the very moment they resolv* 
ed to unty the triple knot whatever it cost them. For 
his Christian majesty, after his conquering meals, ever 
rises with a stomach : and he liked the pattern so well, 
that it gave bim a longing desire to have the whole 
piece. Amongst the other means for the attaining this 
end, the sending over the duchess of Orleans was not 
the least powerful. She was a very welcome guest 
here; and her own charms and dexterity, joined with 
other advantages that might help her perswasions, 
gave her such an ascendant that she could hardly fail 

^ Letters mnd NegoUatioos, vol. IIL p. 548. Svo. Load. 171 1. '^ A|^ 
of Lewie XJV. toI. L p. 116. 

CHARLES ir. »1 

liberties of Europe. The nation, here- 

ofsaccess. One of the preliminaries of her treaty, 
thongh a trivial thing in itself, yet was considerable in 
the consequence : as very often small circuOMftaDiet 
are, in relation to the government of the world* 
About this time a general humour, in opposition to 
France, had made us throw off their fashion, and put 
on vests, that we might look more like a distinct peo* 
pie, and not be under the servility of imitation, which 
ever pays a greater deference to the original than is 
consistent with the equality all independent nations 
should pretend to. France did not like this small be- 
ginning of ill humours, at least of emulation ; and 
wisely considering that it is a natural introduction first 
to make the world their apes, that they may be after- 
wards their slaves ; it was thought that one of the in- 
structions madam brought along with her, was to laugh 
us out of these vests : which she performed so effectu- 
ally, that in a moment, like so many footmen who had 
quitted their masters livery, we all took it again, and 
returned to our old service. So that the very time of 
doing it gave a very critical advantage to France, 
since it looked like an evidence of our returning to 
their interest as well as to their fashion ; and would 
give such a distrust of us to our new allies, that it might 
facilitate the dissolution of the knot, which tied them 
so within their bounds that they were very impatient 
till they were freed from the restraint. But the lady 
had a more extended commission than this ; and, with- 
out doubt, she double-laid the foundation of a new 
^ict alliance, quite contrary to the other in which 
we had been so lately engaged. And of this there 
were such early appearances, that the world began to 
look upon us a3 falling into apostacy from the com- 


upon, was alarmed. The views of the court 

inoQ..«intereitp . Notwithstanding all this, France did 
uot'jpeg]ect, at the same time, to give good words to 
tbff Slalch, and even to feed them with hopes of sup- 
porting them against us ; when, on a sudden, that 
neyer-to-be-forgotten declaration of war against ttxem 
comes out, only to vindicate his own glory, and to 
revenge the injuries done to his brother in England ; 
by which he became our second in this duel. So hum- 
bui can this prince be ; when at the same be does us 
more honour than we deserve, he lays a greater share of 
the blame upon our shoulders than did naturally belong 
to us*/' All this, for ^ught appears to the con- 
trary, is truth : but as it was written and published in 
the time of Charles, it does not contain the whole truth. 
We will, therefore, supply its defects from Voltaire; 
who speaks very openly of the views and designs of his 

hero. " The king [Lewis]" says he, " matured his 

gre^t design of a conquest of the Low Countries, 
which he intended to commence by that of Holland. 

■ The first thing necessary to be done, was to detach 

England from its alliance with Holland. The United 
Provinces being once deprived of this support, their 
destruction appeared itievitabl^. JiCwis XIV. did nat 
find it di^cult to engage Charles IL in his designs. 
The Epglish king had not, indeed, shewn himself very 
sen^ibl^ of the dishonour which his reign and natiom 
bad repeived in the burning of his ships, even in 
the Thames, by the Dutch fleet. ^le breathed neither 
revenge nor conquests. His passion was rather tp 
enjoy his pleasures, and reign with a power less cqi^- 

* Miscellanies, p. 142. See also Ramsay's lifie of Turenne, voL L.'p^ 
d'CO* Svo. Loind. 1735. 

CHARLES 11. aes 

were penetrated: and the king, sorely 

■trained : and to flatter thia disposition, therefore, was 
the most effectual way to seduce him. Jjewis, who to 
have money then needed only to speak, promised a 
great sum to king Charles, who could never get any 
without the sense of his parliament. The secret treaty 
concluded between the two kings was imparted, in 
France, only to Madame, the sister of Charles II. and 
wife of Monsieur, the kings brother; to Turenne; and 

to Louvois. ^The princess Henrietta embarked at 

Calais to see her brother, who was at Canterbury to 
receive her : and Charles, being seduced by his friend- 
ship for his sister, and the money of France, signed 
every thing Lewis desired ; and prepared the destruc- 
tion of Holland in the midst of pleasures and diver- 
sions. The loss of Madame, who died suddenly, and 
in an extraordinary manner, soon after her return, raised 
some suspicions prejudicial to Monsieur; but they 
caused no change in the resolutions of the two kings. 
The spoils of the republic, which was to be destroyed, 
were already divided, by the secret treat}' between the 
courts of France and England, in the same manner as 
Flanders had been divided with the Dutch in l635.-« 
It is singular, and deserves to be remarked, that among 
all the enemies, which were going to fall upon this 
little state^ there was not one who had any pretence 
for a war. — ^The States General, in a great consterna- 
tion, wrote to the king, humbly intreating his majesty 
to tell them, whether the great preparations he was 
making were really destined against them, his antient 
and faithful allies? wherein they had offended f and 
what reparation he expected ? He replied, that he 
should employ his troops in such a manner as his 
dignity might; demand, which did not require him to 



against his inclinations^ was obliged to 

give an account of it to any one. All the reason given 
by his ministers was, that the Dutch Gazette had been 
too insolent ; and because Van Beuning was sud to have 
struck a medal injurious to Lewis XIV. — ^The king of 
England^ on his side, reproached them with disrespect 
in not directing their fleet to lower their flag before an 
English ship: and they were also accused in regard to 
a certain picture, wherein Cornelius de Witt, brother 
of the pensionary, was painted with the attributes of a 
conqueror. Ships were represented, in the back- 
ground of the piece, either taken or burnt. Comelins 
Sci Witt, who had really a great share in the maritime 
exploits against England, had permitted this trifling 
memorial of his glory ; but the picture, which was .in a 
manner unknown, was deposited in a chamber whereiii 
scarce any body ever entered. The English ministers, 
jfho presented the complaints of their king against 
Holland in writing, therein mentioned certain abusive 
pictures. The States, who always translated the memo- 
rials of ambassadors into French, having rendered abu- 
sive, by the vf'ordsfautifsy trompeurs ; replied, that they 
^id not know what these roguish pictures (ces tableaux 
trompeures) were. In reality, it never in the least en- 
tered into their thoughts, that it concerned this por- 
trait of one of their citizens ; nor did they ever con- 
ceive this could be a pretence for declaring war*." 

• All this would seem very incredible, if we had 

not Lewises letter to the States General, and the decla- 
rations of the two kings against them to authenticate 
it. In the first of these pieces the haughty monarch 
says, " We shall tell you, that we shall augment our 

» Age of Lewis XIV. Vol. I. p. 122—120. 


make a separate peace with the States of 

preparations by sea and land : and when they shall be 
in the posture we have designed them, we shall make 
such use of them as we shall conceive suitable to our 
dignity, whereof we are not obliged to give any man 
an account V'-—— This letter is d&ted from St. Ger- 
main en Laye, Jan. 6, 1672 ; a day remarkable in £ug« 
kmd for the order made in council for shutting up the 
exchequer, under pretence of the necessity of providing 
for the safety of the government 1 The war now was 
determined ; and the Dutch Smyrna fleet was attacked, 
though unsuccessfuljy, before any declaration of war. 
The declaration, however, soon followed. Charles in 
it reproached the Dutch with the wrongs done by them 
to his subjects in the East and West Indies; and then 
proceeds to say, ** It is no wonder that they venture at 
these outrages upon our subjects in remote parts, when 
they dare be so bold with our royal person, and the 
honour of this nation, so near us as in their own coun- 
try, there being scarce a town within their territories 
that is not filled with abusive pictures, and false histo- 
rical medals and pillars, some of which have been 
exposed to the publick view by command of the 
States themselves, and in the very time when we were 
joined with them in united counsels for the support of 
the Triple League, and the peace of Christendom." But 
that the p^eople might be amused, it was declared, that 
his majesty was forced to have recourse to arms, by 
€M>n8iderations nearer to him than what only related 
to himself: the safety of trade ; the preservation of 
Ilia pec^le abroad; and the insolence of the Hollanders 
in refusing to strike their flag to him ; and the aflronts 

• Fol. Lond. 1672. 


Holland. The war, however, between them 

oflTered by them in his yery ports. This was published 

March 17, 1672, N.S. On the 6th of April follow- 

iog was emitted the most Christian king's declaration: 
in which he says, ^^ The dissatisfaction he hath in the 
carriage of the States General towards him, for some 
years past, being come to that point that he cannot 
longer, without diminution to his own gloryi dissemble 
the indignation raised in him, by a treatment so unr< 
suitable to the great obligations which himself, and th6 
kings his predecessors, had so liberally heaped upon 
them ; he hath declared, and doth declare^ that he* it 
determined to make war against the said States." Na 
remarks need be made on this conduct of Lewis: it 
was suitable to his whole life; which was one con- 
tinued scene of tyranny at home, and oppression and 
insolence abroad^ as long as he had it in his powen 
Such a prince may be flattered and extolled by men 
destitute of virtue, to serve the purposes of their own 
passions : but the wise, the humane, and the benevo-^ 
lent, of whatever nation under heaven, will execrate his 
memory, and rank him with the most odious of mon- 
sters.- — ■• — As to Charles, who had so wantonly, un- 
justly, and impoliticly begun the war, he did every 
thing in his power to convince the nation of its justice^ 
and necessity. In his speech to both houses of parlia- 
ment, Feb. 5, l673f N. S. he said, " Since you were 
last here, I have been forced to a most important^ ne- 
cessary, and expensive war; and I make no doubt, but 
you will give me suitable and effectual assistance togo 
through with it. I refer you to my declaration for the 
causes, and, indeed, the necessity of this war^ and 
shall now only tell you, that I might have digested 
the indignities to my own person^ rather than haro 



iCHAtiLiES n: €or 

and France continued: and the preserva- 

brought it to this extremity, ifflhe interest as well as 
the honour of the whole kingdom had not been at 
stake: and if I had omitted this conjuncture^ perhaps, 
1 had not again ever met with the like advantage." 

The lord chancellor, Shaftesbury, one of the cabal 

so infamous in our histories, backed his majesty ; and; 
among other things, observed, " that both kings, 
knowing their interests, resolved to join against them 
[the Dutch]; who were the common enemies to all mo- 
narchies ; and especially to ours, their only competitor 
for trade, and power at sea; and who only stand ill 
their way to an universal empire as great as Rome^ 
This the States understood so well, and had swallowed 
so deep, that under all their present distress and dan^- 
ger, they are so intoxicated with that vast ambition, 
that they slight a treaty and refuse a cessation. All 
this you and the whole nation saw before the last war: 
but it could no.t then be so well timed^ or cwr- alliances 
$o well made^ >^at you judged artgl]\ty that, at any 
rate, delenda eii Carthago, that govemment was to be 
brought down. And, therefore, the king may well say 
to yoOyTis your war. He took his measures from 
you, and they were just and right ones; and he ex- 
pects a suitable assistance to so necessary, and expen- 
sive an action: which he has hitherto maintained at 
his own charge, and was unwilling either to trouble 
you, or burden the country, ontil it came to an inevi- 
table necessity. And his majesty commands me to 
tell you, that unless it be a certain sum, and speedily 

raised, it can never answer the occasion. Let me 

lay, the king has brought the States to that condition, 
that your hearty conjunction, at this time, in supply- 
ing his majesty,, will make them never more formi- 


tioa of the former was owing to the spirit 

dable to kings, or da^^ptous to Englsmd. And if after 
this yon suffer them to jfet up, let this be remembredi 
the States of Holland are England's eternal enemy, 
both by interest and inclination*." —What amaz- 
ing impudence is here! To tell the parliament it was 
their war, when, by reason of several prorogations, 
they had not sat for near ten months, and, conse- 
quently, were incapable of giving their consent qr 
approbation: I say, under these circumstances, to call 
it their war; and to tell them, the king took his mea- ' 
sures from them, was a strain worthy Shaftesbury him- 
self. But ministers of state, as tliey engross the 

l^ower, seem to think they engross the sense too of the 
community; and that they may talk what they please 
without fear of their auditors. It is, however, a gross 
mistake: tllere are standersrby, much their superiors, 
who remAA iMr behaviour; and take care to expose 
it, p«o|i€ri^ to jk>sterity.T-In Dryden's Absalom and 
Acfaitophelf dMan^ are many portrintii'firhich bear no 
resemblaoce to the originals: but SKamisbury's seems 
taken frott life. — Compare the following lines with, 
the above speech, and then, reader, determine : 

" In friendship false, implacable in hate ; 
Resohred to nrin or to rule the state. 
To compass this, the triple bond he broke ; 
The pillars of the publick safety shook ; 
^nd fitted Israel §ot a foreign yoke : 
Then, sciz'<^eith f^g yet still affocting fame, 
TJsurp'd a patriol^all-tloniag name." 


.There is another picture of him in the Medal, part 
of which I will here add : 

* Journal of the House of G>mmon6» 


and bravery of the prince of Orange, aided 

** Behold him now exalted into trust; 
tiis counsels oft convenient, seldom justi 
E'en in the most sincere advicfe he gave^ 
He had a grudging still to be a knave. 
The frauds he learnt, in his fanatick years, 
Made him uneasy in his lawful gears : 
At best, as little honest as he con'd : 
Andy like white witches, mischievously good^ 
To his first biass, longingly, he leans; 
And rather would be great by wicked means. 
Thus, fi^am'd fbir ill, he loos'd our triple hoid^ 
( Advice unsafe, pi^pitate, and bold) ; 
From hence those tears ; that Ilium of our woe i 
Who helps a powerful friend, fore-arms a foe; 
What wonder if the waves prevaii so fkr. 
When he ctat down the banks thilt made the bar ? 
Seas follow but their nature to invade; 
But he, by art, our native strength betray'd." 

1*0 irctarti.*-'— ^As it appears^ from his majesty^s d^ 
tlaration^ and lord Shaftesbury's speech, that the Dutch 
Were to be rendered odious, that the war might be po-^ 
pillar ; so the court employed able pens to accuse, ex- 
pose, and exaggerate what had been done by any of 
that nation, in any time, or aiiy part of the world: Let 
us Hear Hcfnry Stubbe on this subject.— — " I should 
injure Christendom," says he, " to reckon the United 
I^etherlands a part thereof. Such are tbeir practicefs,' 
that 'tis a crime in thfem to profess that religion, and 
a great mistake in those that entitle theni thereunto. 
I know not whether I do not speak too mildly con- 
cerning those deluded persons, sinc^ 'tis a wilful error 
In them that imagine so : th^ Dutch themselves hav^ 
Avowed it ; and those that have managed their trade 
tn Japan, when the Christians there (at the! ihstiga^ 
tion of the Dutch) were all, by horrible tortures, put 
to death, and every housekeeper enjoined to declare 

VOL. V. p ' 

ftid -riHE LIPE OF 


byithe neighbouring powers : who yet wefc 

in writing that he neither was a Christian nor retained 
any Christians in his family ; M elchior k Santvoort, 
and Vincentius Romeyn, sabscribed themselves, that 
they were Hollanders : most impiously, for lucre's sake, 
declining that profession of Christianity to which 
Christ and his apostles oblige them *.''-^*— " We do 
Cotoplain," says he, in another place, " that these 
Netherlanders, who do so highly pretend to piety and 
protestantcy, should violate all divine and hnmane 
rules of civility; that they rail instead of fighting; 
that they attack us with contumelious language ; and 
aggravate their unjust enmity with an insolence that 
is not to be endured. I am as much perplesed to find 
out the rules of their politicks herein, as T am else- 
where to seek for those of their religion ; seeing Aat 
this deportment must needs enasperate all mankind 
against them, and common humanity obligeth every 
one to endeavour their extirpation. Provocations of 
this kind, injuries of this nature, admit of no compo- 
sition, and render the most bloody wars to be most 
just. The indignities done to our king do extend mito 
all princes, and become examples of what they univer^ 
sally must expect in time to suffer from the contino* 
ance of their High and Mighties. But these affronts 
p^ticularly and most sensibly touch the subjects of 
the king of Gceat Britain, and turn their just anger 

into implacable fury ^." ** As to their religion, w^ 

could never be convinced that the Hollanders did re* 
g&x^ any. Their first revolt was not founded on any 
such principles: they patiently endured the su{^es-« 

* Justification oi tbe War agpaiost tiie UoUed Netiwrlands^ p. 2i 4tQ» 
liOnd. 1672. »» Id. p. 5. 


in a manner forced to aggrandize France, 

sioDL of their churches and miiiisters : the country did 
not stir thereat; nor upon the execution of so many 
thousand protestants. — It is notorious, that the exac- 
tion of the tenth penny, by the d. of Alva, did more 
exasperate them than the inquisition. — If we look 
tipon them in their more flourishing condition; all 
^ligions are tolerated there as well as protestants, 
even such as are most repugnant to the Deity and 
gospel of Christ. Their actions are regulated by 
principles of state ; and upon those grounds do they 
invite and encourage all sects to live in their terri- 
tories. When their interest doth sway them, they 
desert or fight against protestants *."— It is very 
amazing that all this should fall from the pen of a 
learned, unblgotted, if not sceptical man! But, it 
seems, that there were then, as well as now, authors, 
by profession, who, for the sake of gain, would under- 
take to vindicate any cause. '* For the compiling 

of these two books," says Wood, " the author was al- 
lowed the use of the Paper Office at Whitehall ; and 
when they were both finished, he had given him 200/. 
out of his majesty's exchequer; and obtained a great 
deal of credit frOm all people, especially from the 
courtiers, and all that belonged to the kind's court ^" 
A poor reward, however, for such inramous ser- 
vice ! Another writer, engaged on the same sidfe of the 
question, averred, " That his majesty of Great Britain, 
and the most Christian king, of all princes iri Europe, 
have most studied and endeavoured (for the good of 
their subjects) to advance trade and conamerce; ytt 

* Further Jufttficution, p. 15. 4to. Lond. 1673. ^ AthensB, vol. If. 

•* 5«7. 



by the cessions made at the treaty of 

their sabjects cry ont^ they have no trade : and well 
they may, when the Hollanders are the great snpplant- 
ers of trade, and obstructors of commerce (to all others 
but themselves) in the world. And no wonder; for it 
is a prime principle of their state, that they must not 
be the joc-caul, which pioyides food for the lyon; bnt 
they must imitate the prudent cat, who mouses only 
for itself. Nothing can be more becoming the ma- 
jesty of two such potent kings, not only out of charity 
to deliver the distressed Dutch (an industrious and 
well-meaning people of themselves) from the tyranny 
and oppression of those insolent States ; but out of 
piety towards God, to settle peace in Christendom 
(which is only by the power of these two great kings 
to be effected); and to which all kings and princes 
are obliged to contribute their assistance. For let it 
be soberly considered, if these men (if we may so call 
them), since the revolt from their prince, have not 
made greater distempers and coniFusions, and caused 
more effusion of blood, and expence of treasure, in 
Europe, than the great Turk hath done for these 500 
years. And as they are more powerful by sea, so they 
are much more dangerous in their practice. For the 
Turk is a prince who, with dl potentates, doth ex- 
actly observe his leagues and keep his faith : but it's 
an apophthegm in theit state, that it's for kings and 
merchants to keep their word and faith ; but for states, 
no longer than it's subservient to their interest. And 
how exactly they make this good in their actions, I 
appeal to all the kings and princes in Europe, if ever 
they kept one article, or their faith, in any thing where 
it was their interest to break it. Certainly these men 
live, as if great sins would merit heaven^ by an anti- 

<3ftARLES IL S13 

-Nimeguen, carried on under the mediation 

peristasis: and it's very well becoming the gravest 
judgments to consider, if these men may not prove in 
a short time a greater terror and plague to Christen- 
dom than the Turk himself: insomuch as his arms are 
at a great distance, and only land-forces; but these 
men are seated in the centre of Europe, and being so 
potent at sea, and rich in treasure, may cast an army^ 
and, with that, blood and confusion into any princes 
dominion whom they please to diaqniet (especially 
being first reduced to poverty, which they labour to 
effect in all their territories by obstructing trade) ; and 
they can more speedily and powerfully offend any 
kingdom by sea in one month, than the most puissant 

army is able to march through in a year*." — » ^But 

all this b^d no effect on the nation, who abhorred tbo 
war, and dreaded more their ally than their enemy* 
This abundantly appears from the writings of these 
tiinea, as well as from Grey's Parliamentary Debates; 
' fi|^ib the latter of which I will transcribe some p^ra* 
^jgppfphs, which will enable the reader to ibrm smae 
judgment of the disposition of the nation.-;- — •■ — --IpJi 
^land committee, Oct. 31, 1673, when the subject ,to 
be debated was money for carrying on the w^, many 
yery bold truths were uttered, and reflexions made on 
the authors of it, as well as the manner in which it had 
been conducted. — ^"The war at the first," said Mr. 
Boscawen, ^' was against the advice of the whole 
body of the merchants, only some particular men that 
had losses.— —Thinks the peace a good peace, and 
the Triple League much for the satisfaction of the na- 
tion. — Some trifling injuries were done to the mer- 

f Tilt Dutch Usurpation, bj Wjlliam 49 BriUine, p. 33. 4to, Lo^d. 1€79« 

■ ■*■> 

t ■ ^-^V-V^^i^S-^-rrtri- 



of Charles, ^o greatly favoured her views 

chants at Surinam^ a^ if a map, ^ith a fl^a on his 
forehead, would strike it off with a heetl^.-^Would 
make use of that vote, th^t we might have a peace," 
Sir William Coventry observed, '' That it is said, th?it; 
the king cannot gp off with honour from his alliance 
with France : and wh^t thep shall we say of th^ triple 
alliance, that the peace of Chri^teuc^ow was so ipuch 
concerned in, f^. Bolemn as to be sworn to by the king 
of FrancCj^ ai^d regUtered iii the parliamept of Paris by 
that kings comine^^; but yet reponnced by him, be- 
cause not cQnsistent with the good Qf hi? people. . Mua-^ 
ster nc^ade a war with our iponey; it was, ij^ot fgr tb^ 
good of his subjeqts^ it s^qi?, apd he m^de peace with 
Hojland. — The same did Bfapdepburgh.-r-The king of 
France, by the Pyrenean treaty, vas not tp asjsist the 
king of Portugal ; it wa$ not for the good of hjU peon 
pie, and he broke that tr<?aty. Princes h^ve.eiv^ dop^ 
It for the good of their people ; and if w^ Wf^ 
other rule than they do, we shall have the ^ornt of ifi, * 
Kow has the king of France kept treaty with.U8,.<9^,)«|^ 
said ? Knows pot what the private article?, were ; ImUi 
surely they were made unfortunately, that we should 
have no share in this cQj3ques.t^ — Ha& he ke(pj( hin 
word with us ? He was to sepd thirty ship9 for one 
sixty ; had that conjunction been as it should be, they 
would have foughtw — H[as heard but of two. captaiQSk 
killed in the French fleet, and g^e died of an unfortu^ 
nat§ disease (the pox). — Thinks we had no advapt^Q 
by their company. One u.nfortupa.te gentleman did 
fight (Martel) ; and because that gentleman said (as 
he has heard) that the FVench did not their dpty^ he is 
clapped up into the Bastile. His own squadron, he said, 
deserted him i hi$ captaiAS. said, upoip, Si^]7et ox^f^ 


dad pretensions. — Not content herewith, 

which ih«y had. D'Estrees sent positiyc orders not to 
fight, unless by word of mouth, or by writing: and if 
ibatmau that brought them had been knocked on the 
head, no orders could have been had ; so regard to be 
had to priuce Rupert's a^als (which is the custom at 
sea). D'E&trees uiutt, by a council of war, know whe^ 
tber the prince's orders were good or uo. — Could a 
fleet, coming with such orders, ever be serviceable to 
OS f Thinks it better we had no fleet. — Thinks not 
■o highly of the Dutch, nor so meanly of ourselves, 
but that we may do well without the king of France. — 
Ad indiSerent casuist will say, having been so used, 
that we are absolved from an alliance so ill maintained. 
— The interest of the king of England i> to ke^ 
France from being too great. on the continent; and the 
French intejest is to keep us from being masters of 
tlie sea, — The French have pursued their interest well. 
— Martel lias fought too much, or said too much, 
which is his misfortune. — Moves to insert in the 
(juestioo, ' Unless it shall appear that the obstinacy of 
the Dutch shall make a supply necessary," — Accord- 
ingly it was resolved, "That this house, considering 
the present condition of the nation, will not take into 
any further debate, or consideration, any aid or sup- 
ply, or charge upon the subject, before the times of pay- 
ment of the eighteen months assessment, 8cc. [granted 
last session] be expired: unless [it shall appear dial] 
the obstinacy of the Dutch [shall] render It necessary; 
Dor before this kingdom be effectually secured from the 
dangers of popery, and popish counsels tmd coun* 
sellors ; and the [other] present grievances be re- 
dressed '." Such were the politics a[ the co«rt^— — ^ 

' Ccey's FarliBnantary Debtfes, soL U. p-Sl^ 


Jie, neglecting his own, studied how 

I need not enter into a detail of the battles bj sea and 
land, which were fought between the parties engaged* 
He must be very ignorant in our history, who knows 
not the amazing rapidity of the French conquests ; the 
deplorable condition of the Dutch in consequence of 
them ; the dismal apprehensions the empe^r, the em- 
pire, and Spain had for their own and the common li- 
berty ; their entering into the war in defence of the 
States ; the heroism of the young prince of Orange in 
defence of his country ; and the separate peace be- 
tween England and Holland, as well as the general 
pne concluded at Nimeguen under Charles's partial 
mediation* . Such, however, as are unacquainted with 
these matters, may get full information from Sir Wil- 
liam Temple's works^M-*— I will conclude this note with 
the^ sentimepts of lord Bolingbroke ; which, by what 
has been and will farther be said concerning Charles, 
will, probably, appear to be just and pertinent. "What 
did he [Charles XL] mean i Did he mean to acquire 
one of the seven provinces, and divide them, as the 
Dutch had twice treated for the division of the ten, 
l?ith France ? I believe not. But this I believe, that 
his inclinations were favourable to the popish interest 
in general ; and that he meant to make himself more 
absolute at home : that he thought it necessary, to this 
^nd, to humble the Dutch ; to reduce their power ; 
and, perhaps, the form of their government: to de- 
prive bis subjects of the correspondence with a neigh- 
bouring, protestant, and free state ; and of all hope of 
succour and support from thence in their opposition 
to bim : in a word, to abet the designs of France on 
the i:K)ntinent, that France might abet his designs on 
his own kingdom. This, I say, I believe; and'this I 
f|)pukt y^uture to affirm, if I had in my hands ^o ^ror 


to perfect and increase tlie navy of 

^uce^ and was at liberty to qpote^ the private rehltiOns 
{'have read formerly^ drawn up by those who were no 
enemies to such designs^ and on the authority of those 
who were parties to them. But whatever king Cbatles 
II. meant, certain it is, that his conduct established 
the superiority of France in Europe *." ^The follow- 
ing part of a letter, from a learned friend, which I re- 
ceived since the writing the above note, will, I sup- 
pose, be deemed curious and important by most of Imy 
readers ; as it contains an authentic account of this re- 

markable alliance betw^een the two crownS. '* I, this 

morning," says he, " heard read, a letter of Mr. — '• — 

to lord ; in which he writes. That, after some 

difficulty, he had been permitted to see K. James's 
Memoirs: that they consist of 14 thin folio volumes: 
that they are not digested into one continued narration^ 
but are rather a relation of particular parts of the 
history of the times. That he had read the account of 
the famous pfivate league with France, which is told 
at large. That by it the king of France was to allow 
Charles 200,000 a year, and the assistance of 6000 
ifien in case of any disturbance at home. That the 
two points agreed in it were, the establishment of the 
favourite religion in England, and the conquest of 
Holland. That England was to have Zealand, and the 
rest was to be divided between France and the prince 
of Orange. That Charles wanted to begin with Eng- 
land, but Lewis chose to do his own business first, and 
would begin with Holland; and sent over the duchess 
of Orleans, not to make the treaty (for that had been 
done before by lord Arundel of Wardour), but to re-^ 

1^ ^lingbroke^s Letter; on the Study and Use of History, toI. L p. <2R4. 



France", which soon became formidable 

coxicile Charles to this alteration, for which the duke 
could uot forgive him. — He says^ be is now convinGfiil 
of his baviAg mistaken Charles's character. He had 
alwifjs thpugbt him to have been floating betweeo 
deMf|B,.^d popery; but that he now found lord Hali- 
fax's character of him was the true one^ that he af- 
fected deism only to conceal his zeal for popery.. 
Tbat^ after making the treaty, Charles called his con-^ 
fid^ts together; and told them, that now was the 
time for introducing their religion : and was so ex- 
treamly earnest ou the subject, as to burst into tear^ 

upon the occasion. The letter is dated July^ 

1764; but there is another come, within these few 

days, with more particulars." The nation, w^ 

see, had ground sufficient for fears and jealousies. 

** He neglected his own, and endeavoured to perfect 
the navy of France.] Charles, at his restoration, found 
a very good navy. Lewis XIV. in a letter to D'Cb* 
trades, dated Aug. 5, 1661, says, "He [the king of 
England] has now a fleet of 16G sail, for which he is 
obliged to his misfortunes, by the care of the protector, 
whilst in authority, to increase the naval force beyond 
what any king of England ever could do*." But with 
all this force be truckled to Lewis ; and, in a manner, 
gave up the honor of the flag to that haughty monarch 
when he was possessed of very little naval power, 
*' Your majesty may see," says D'Estrades, " that the 
king of England — would willingly avoid any tiouble 
on this article [the flag], and would not, though bp 
might, take any advantage of his being armed ^ad 
yom: majesty not as yet in such readiness. And though 

* D'Ebtxadefr' Letters and Negotiations, p. 12^. 

' CHARLES LI. «l» 

to the maritime powers, and helped to 

the rout which your fle^t must taJce^ to aat) ffom Ro- 
cbelle to the MediterraQean, is quite diffsvent from 
that^of the Euglish ; and eaQOOt meet one another but 
somewhere beyond Cape Finisterre, where there caa be 
no further dispute ; and after this occasion is over^ you 
may have time enough to put yourself in a condition 
to maintain your right, aqd to oblige the king of Eng- 
land to comply with such things as he now refuses, 
which he durst not have granted in the preaeat weak 
condition of his authority over his people; aad even 
the parliament^ though very well afiected to him, 
i^ould never agree to. Indeed, they appear to be 
greatly moved on the report of this contest; and this 
has be^n the occasion of deputing some of their mem*- 
bers to wait on the king to he informed of this, and to 
mak^ offers, which the king of England has nut ac- 
cepted of, as still purposing that this affair should: end 
in some friendly way. And I must also say, that, in 
s(\\ his conversation with me, he has always expressed 
a great respect and esteem for your majesty ; and has 
all along seemed to regard more the stiffness and obsti-^ 
nacy of his people and parliament, than any advantage 

to himself V This letter is dated F^b. 1, 1662, 

Thus, through indolence, and attachment U> France, 
was this prince disposed not to insist on a point yielded 
to Elizabeth by Henry the Great, and asserted with an 

high hand even under the pusillanimoua James ^! ^ 

What was the effect, of this indolent, timid, or com 
plaisant dijsposition, will appear by the following order 
given to Sir Thomas Allen by the duke of York, lord 

' D'Evtrftdcs' Lettevv »«d Negotiations^ p. \1(K 
^ See vol. I. note 39. 


inspire .Lewis, with the impious thought of 

high admiral:——" Whereas by the instructions from 
me, dated July 6th, 1669, you were ordered to give 
directions to the commanders of his majesty's ships, 
under your command, that, upon their meeting any 
inen of war belonging to the most Christian king 
(whether flag-ship or others), within the Mediterranean 
Sea, they should not salute them, nor expect any sa- 
hites from them ; as also that no disputes be for the 
wind, but that the ships of war of either side, which 
shouldhappen to have the wind, might ke^p it if they 
pleased, without being required or obliged to go to 
leeward; which instructions were given you by hii 
majesty's directions, upon the undertaking of the am- 
bassador of the most Christian king that the French 
inen of war should have orders and directions to use 
find observe the same manner of proceedings on their 
part : And whereas the said ambassador now acknow- 
ledges that he misunderstood his majesty's intentions 
therein, and declared he cannot procure his consent to 
the said agreement : I do thereupon, by his majesty's 
directions, recall and wholly disannul the abovesaid 
instructions ; requiring and commanding you entirely 
to suppress the said instructions, as if they had never 
heen given: yet you are, notwithstanding, if you meet 
any French men of war, to keep a good correspondence 
with them according to former practice ; and out of 
his majesty's seas to avoid, as much as may be, all oc- 
casion of contest with them. Given at Whitehall,' this 

23th of July, 1669*." Lewis, we see, acted with 

the same views still which he had in 1662, when he bi4 

• Memoirs of Enslisb AffBLin, by James duke of York, p. 175. iviu 
lixwd, 1729, 


lording it still more orvcr mankind.—— 

D'Estrades tell king<XaleS) and his chancellor, '^that 
he neither asked nor sought for any accommodation as 
to the business of the flag ; because," says he, " I 
know very well how to maintain my right, happen 

what will *." But to go on to our subject. 

We may form soniie small judgment of the decay of 
the English navy from what we find in the king's and 
the chancellor's [Finch] speeches to the parliament, 
Ap. 13, lfl75k— r- — In the first, he says, " I must 
needs recommend to you the condition of the fleet, 
V^ch I am not able to put into that estate it ought to 
be ; and which will require so much time to repair and 
build, that I should be sorry to see this summer (and 
consequently a whole year) lost, without providing for 
it." His lordship's comment on this was as fol- 
lows : " Tis not altogether the natural decay of ship- 
ping; no, nor the accidents of war ; that have lessened 
our fleet, though something may be attributed to both 
these : but our fleet seems rather to be weakened, for 
the present, by being out-grown and out-built by our 
neighbours/ * He might as well have spoke out — 
and declared, that, through neglect at home, and care 
and thought employed abroad, we were become, even 
at sea, inferior to our neighbours. But his lordship, 
by his flourishes, thought to disguise and conceal the 

truth as much as might be. Mr. Pepys, secretary 

to the admiralty, declares, '' that, from the time of his 
removal from the navy, in May, 1679, the effects of- 
the'inexperience of the commissioners of the admiralty 
were the subjects of common conversation : and 
twhaty" adds he, ''was no mean addition to it) the 

* D'Eatcades' I^ten and Nefotiations, p. 161. . 

ij^ ^^.W^-^' Ih;'. A ^ ■« r V .- 


ITiese are facts which, considering the au- 

tmconcermnent wherewith his then majesty was said 
to suffer his being familiarly entertained on that sub* 
ject; while at the same time his transcendent mastery 
in all maritime knowledge could not, upon the least 
reflexion, but bring into his view the serious reckoning 
the same must^ soon or late, end in to his purse and 
government. As at the five years end it proved to 
do *.** The same gentleman has given us an ac- 
count of the fleet, as it stood in May, 1684; by which 
" it appears, that only four-and-twenty ships were then 
at sea, none of ihem above fourth rates, empl<iyiil|[ 
but 3070 men. The remainder of the navy in harbonr 
so far out of repair, as to have had the charge of that 
alone (without sea-stores) estimated just before, at no 
less than one hundred and twenty thousand pounds. 
And towards this a magazine of stores, as lately re* 
ported from the same hands, not to amount to five 
thousand pounds. A magazine so unequal to the oc^ 
casions of such a navy; that whereas peace used ever* 
more to be improved to the making up the wasteful 
effects of war ; this appears (after the lotiJ[est vacation 
of a home marine-peace, from the restoration of the 
king to this day) to have brought the navy into a state 
more deplorable in its ships, and less relievable from 
its stores, than can be shewn to have happened (either 
in the one or the other) at the close of the most ex* 
pensive war within all that time, or in forty years be* 
fore. Especially when, in this its general ill plight, 
cotisidetation shall be had of that particular therein 
which relates to the thirty new ships : not more sur- 
prizing for the feet (after the solemnity and ampleness 

• Memoir6# totichhig the Royal Navy, p. 10. 8vo. 1690. 


CHARLES 11. ^ 

thorities on which they are founded, few 

of the provisioa made for theiki by parliament) than 
important for its consequences. Forasmuch as in these 
ships rested not only that by which the present sea- 
strength of England surmounted all it had ever before 
had to pretend to^ and the utmost that its present 
woods (at least within any reasonable reach of its 
itfsenals) seem now able to support with materials^ or 
tts navigation with men; but that portion also of the 
same^ upon which alone may at this day be right- 
fully said to rest, thfe virtue of the whole, opposed to 
the no less considerable growths in the naval strengths 
of France and Holland. . The greatest part, nevertheless, 
of these thirty ships (without having ever yetlookt 
out of harbour) were let to sink into such distress, 
through decays contracted in their buttocks, quarters, 
bows, thick-stuflP without board, and spirkittings upon 
their gun-decks within ; their buttock^planks some of 
tfaem started from their transums, tree-naillB burnt and 
rotted, and plattks thereby become ready to' drop into 
the water, as being (with their neighbouring timbers) 
in many places perished to powder, to the rendering 
them imable with safety to admit of being breem'd for 
fear of taking fire ; and their whole sides more dis- 
guised by shot-boards nailed, and plaisters of canvass 
pitched thereon (for hiding their defects and keeping 
them above water) than has been usually seen upon 
the coming in of a fleet after a battle ; that several of 
them had been newly reported, by the navy-board it- 
self, to lye in danger of sinking at their very moorings. 
AnA this, notwithstanding above six hundred thousand 
pounds (not yet accounted for) spent in thdr building 
and furniture, with above threescore and ten thousand 
pounds more demanded for compleating them, amount- 


will controvert ; tliougli so. very unac^ 

ing together to 670,000/. and therein exceeding, not. 
only the navy officers own estimates and their master 
shipwrights demands, but even the charge which some 
of them appeared to have been actually built for, by 
above one hundred and seventy thousand pounds* 
And notwithstanding too the flowing in of the monies 
provided for them, by parliament, faster (for the most 
part) than their occasions of employing it. In a word : 
notwithstanding the strict provision made by parliament, 
the repeated injunctions of his msyesty, the orders of 
the then lord treasurer, and ampleness of the helps, 
purposely allowed (to the full of their own demands 
and undertakings), for securing a satisfactory account 
«9f the charge and built of the said ships. Lastly: 
while the navy (under this five years uninterrupted 
peace) was suffered to sink into this calamitous estate, 
even to the rendering some of its number wholly irre*»^ 
parable, and reducing others (the most considerable in 
quality) to a condition of being with difficulty kept 
above water ; the navy (as his majesty was then as- 
sured by the lord treasurer) had been all that while, 
supplied (one j^ear with another) with four hundred 
thousand pounds per annum^.'* This long extract will 
not be unacceptable, it is supposed, to most of my 
readers ; as it is taken from a book little known, but of 
great authority, considering the ability of the writer in 
matters of this nature, and his close attachment to the 

house of Stuart. ^Thus much for Charles's neglect 

of his own fleet. Let us now see the care he took 

of the navy of France. Burnet has observed, that 

'^ his contributing so much to the raising the greatness 

• Memoirw touching the Royal Nayy, p. 14 22. Sro. 1690. 


countable on the principles of common 

of France, chiefly at sea, was such an error, that it 
could not flow from want of thought or of true sense* 
Ruvigny told me, he desired that all the methods the 
French took in the increase and conduct of their naval 
force might be sent him. And, he said, he seemed to 
study them with concern and zeal. He shewed what 
errors they committed, and how they ought to be cor- 
rected, as if he had been a vice-roy to France, rather 
than a king that ought to have watched over and pre- 
vented the progress they made, as the greatest of all 
the mischiefs that could happen to him or to his peo- 
ple. They that judged the most favourable of this, 
thought it was done out of revenge to the Dutch, that, 
with the assistance of so great a fleet as France could 
join to his own, be might be able to destroy them. 
But others put a worse construction on it ; and thought, 
that, seeing he could, not quite master or deceive his 
subjects by his own strength and management, he was 
willing to help forward the greatness of the French at 
sea, that, by their assistance, he might more certainly 
subdue his own people; according to what was gene- 
rally believed to have fallen from lord Clifibrd, that, 
if the king must be in a dependance, it was better to 
pay it to a great and generous king than to five hun- 
dred of his own insolent subjects*." We find by 

the J ournals of the House of Commons, that a qom- 
plaidt was made, " that Mr. Pepys, and Sir Anthdny 
Deane, did cause divers maps and sea journals to be 
made; one of them mentioning Captain Mundons 
voyage to St. Helena; some draughts of his majesty's 
best-built ships, and so^le models of ships ; and four- 

* Burnet, vol. I. p. 614. 

YOL. y. 9 


Sjense, or common policy ! We shall find 

jleen sheets of paper^ closely written, containing an ao» 
count in what manner the navy and admiralty wer& 
governed in England; as also of the number of the 
kings ships, their several ages, and their condition; wh 
also divers other treasonable matters : making, first, a 
full discovery of the state and condition of his map* 
jesty*s navy; how and by what, means many of the 
English seamen may be drawn into the French ser- 
vice ; the weakness of those places where his majesty'^ 
said ship., .usually lie; the great want of stores; and 
a description of our principal rivers ; and of our several 
forts, garrisons, and of the Isle of Wight : all which, 
said maps, journals, models and descriptions aforesaid, 
the said Sir Anthony Deane is accused to have carried 
over into France with him, in the year l675; and to 
have delivered to the marquis of Signelays, then secre» 

tary of the admiralty in France •j^'* Mr. Pepys, and 

Sir Anthony Deane, endeavoured to defend themselvei' 
ip the house : the former by fiat denials ; the other by 
an imperfect and, perhaps, partial confession. What 
he said was, '^ tbat he was a builder of ships at Ports- 
mouth : that the king sent for him to go to the king o£ 
France with two boats for the canal at Versailles, the 
depth of his stick, about three foot and a half. The 
question was/' said he, ^^ whether they should be at 
the king's charge or the French Ambassador's. Says 
the French Ambassador, We will pay for it. I built 
them in obedience to the king's command^ little think- 
ing I should be questioned here for it. The boats 
were carried nine miles by land to Versailles. At the 
king of France's desire I went over to see them carried 

*i9oniml«?S May, 1679. 

CHARLES 11. 227 

little difficulty however to admit them* 

to the canal. The kins: went into the vessel, and sailed 
with me. When 1 had done all, &c. the king of 
France presented me with 600 pistoles for my charges, 
and his picture set with diamcmds worth 200/. and he 
gave my son a medal of 100/. the captain of the con- 
voy a chai«i of 100/. and the men that took the pains 
were rewarded accordingly. I wtis used well and 
kindly ; but could not speak one word of French. I 
was not presented to the king of France, but my son 
who spoke French, Such was my caution. I endea- 
voured to improve my time, whilst I stayed, by infor- 
mation of their whole methods of government of their 
navy, which I presented to secretary Williamson, the 
duke, lord Anglesea, secretary Coventryi and my lord 
treasurer, to shew them they had no need of learning 
from England, they had got into so excellent a method. 
— In the presence of God 1 speak it, I never sent any 
plan of forts or soundings, 8cc. All things in France 
are in such order, that, for my part, I was afraid to see 
it*.** — ^This confession, I suppose, rather confirmed 
than disproved the charge in the eyes of the house: 
fer we find Deane and Pepys were sent to the Tower^ 
and the attorney-general ordered to prosecute them. 

1 will close this note with a passage from Dr. 

Welwood, as I find it qnoted in another writer, hav- 
ing not the book at hand from whence it is taken. 
** Wiihin this few weeks," says he, " there is some- 
thing to this subject accidentally come to my know- 
ledge, which, perhaps, a great part of the world has not 
been yet acquainted with. >k=obody doubts but that 
king Charles 11. understood sea-affairs, and the art t)f 

^Qrey's Parliamentary Debatei, fcL VIL p. 308. 




when we consider the abandoned character 

buildiog ships, as well as almost any of his subjects: 
and I have seen under his own hand several extraordi- 
nary discoveries and experiments in that matter, which 
speaks him to have been a prince of great abilities. As 
in all other things that might aggrandize France and 
level England : so in this art of buildmg ships, king 
Charles was willing to assist his intimate ally, I^wis 
XIV. to the utmost of his power. In order thereto, 
he not only faithfuUy cooununicated to the French 
king, from time to time, all his own observations and 
experiments; but likewise those of the most skilful 
persons about him in the art. Nay, such was that 
king's zeal for France, and his care to acquaint the 
French king with sea-affairs, that I have lately seen 
the doubles of several letters from king Charles to the 
French king, about implements and new discoveries in 
building ships of war; and at the foot of some of the 
doubles of considerable length, written by king Charles 
himself, to this purpose : The original with my own 
hand, sent hipi such a day^ Strange! that a prince, 
so much in love with ease, and who writes so ill a hand, 
could be brought to write near a sheet of paper at a. 
time, meerly to teach an inveterate enemy of the Eng-^ 
lish nation a way to contend with him the dominion 
of the seas, the brightest jewel of his crown. But this 
is not all : king Charles's .love to the people of £ng^ 
land went farther yet ; for there is to be seen the dou-* 
ble of a letter from him, to the French king, full of in- 
stmctions about this same subject, dated at a time 
when he pretended to concur with other princes in 
obliging that king to make a peace V ' — The 

* Oldnuxon's Hiftoiy of Eogland, voL L p. 545. fol. Loud. 1730. 


of Ghatles, and add, '^ he was a pensioner " 

English Qationhad abundant reason to bless and praise 
Almighty God for restoring to them a prince of so be>- 
Bevolent a disposition ! 

** He was a pensioner to France.] Wiquefort has a 
whole chapter to prove, that it is lawful for an ambassar 
dor to corrupt the ministers of the coart where he 
resides *. But how lawful soever this may be in am?- 
-bassadors ; it is much more lawful and necessary for 
the princes, at whose courts they reside, to watch them 
narrowly, lest they make themselves masters of secrets 
most dangerous to be revealed. For they being spies 
by office, privileged by character, and, for the most 
^art, well supplied with money ; have great opportuni- 
ties of corrupting indigent, avaricious, or weak men^ 
who abound in all courts, and are entrusted with the 
teost important affairs.-^— Wise princes are sensible 

W.'tliiis f— weak ones unconcerned about it. " It 

ilWitC^Ays ^^ above-cited author, ''that one Aiif 
bo' 'English gentleman signified to king James, thittr 
he had a matter of very great importance to impart to 
him ; but that his majesty must assure him of his pror 
tectioh in a particular manner, because, without that, 
his life would be in great danger. After he had taken 
his necessary precautions, he told him, That several 
noblemen of his court and council received pensions 
from Spain ; and that he could make it out. The king 
answered him. That he knew it very well ; and made a 
jest of it. He moreover said. He wished the king of 
Spain would give them ten times ashiuch; because 
this unprofitable expence would render him less able to 
fpake war against him. The French, who take ple^ 

* ;&H)bas9ador, Pf 353. fol. Lond. V\l^9 

■ ^.-w, \.-^ii.^^-iX — «. .V* ■ ■ ■ ■ 

"j-» ^.•i**?* 


to the crown of France f' So lost was he to 

sore io pDblishiDg die good ibfcy do, at well as the 
favoars they receive, bave eadeavoared to make it be- 
lieved, that the mini:>ters of the court of England were 
not very difficult od that subject not long since. 
Queen Elizabeth would not have suffered it. Henij 
IV. had giteti die order of St. Michael to Nidiolaf 
Clifford, and to Anthony Shirley, on account of the ser- 
vices they had donehim in the war. These two gentle- 
meD, being returned into England, the queen sent theoa 
to prison, and commanded them to send back the or- 
der, and to cause their names to be raz'd out of the 
xegisters. Sh^ said, that, as a virtuous woman ought 
to look on none but her husband,- so a subject ought 
not to cast his eyes on any other sovereign^ ibaii him 
God had set over him. ' I will not,' s^ ilii&, ' tove 
my sheep marked with a strange brand; noar^ 
them to follow the pipe of a strange shepherd.' 
Christina would not permit the prince Palatin 
wive the order of the Garter; nor the count 
Crarde to be made a prince of the empire. Ttfese 1 
queens were in the right to hinder their subjeito'&ona 
entering into engagements with foreign princes. Itiej 
cannot share out their affection, nor their zeal, without 
robbing their sovereign of all that portion they so be- 
stow; who ought to be as jealous thereof, as the has* 

band is of his wife's honor*." What would this 

writer have said of a prince, who bargained for a penr 
sion, and authorized his minister to negotiate it for him 
in the best manner r If ministers are blameworthy in 
sharing out their affection and their zeal ; how much 
more culpable the sovereign, who sacrifices his people 

* Wiquefort's Embassador, p* 344. fol. Lond. 1*71 6. 

CHARL£S It. t3l 

all shame ! If we turn now to affairs at 

to a bribe, and fills his privy purse at the expence of 
their welfare ? And how jealous^ with reason, ought a 
nation to be, when under a head capable of such a 
dirty^ infamous traffic ? 

We have already seen Charles leagued with France, 
in order to subdue Holland and introduce popery into 
his own kingdoms: we have seen that, to facilitate 
these infamous projects, he received 200,000/. per an- 
num from France; whereby England was hurted, and 
Europe likely to be enslaved^: it now remains, in 
order to have a full view of this part of his charac- 
ter, to see what was his conduct when he had been 
forced to make peace with the Dutch, and the con- 
gress was held for putting an end to the War, at 
Nimeguen, under his mediation* To such as have not 
the Danby papers in their possession, the following 
extracts will afford entertainment as well as informa- 
tion, on the subject-matter of this note. Mr. 

Mountague, ambassador to the French king, in a letter 
to his own master, dated Paris, June £1, l677| N. S. 
•ays, '^ That your majesty may understand me the bet- 
ter, you must call to mind how, when you made a 
separate peace with Holland, Mr. Ruvigny (at that 
time the king of France his minister in £hgland).was 
so importi [outragious] and passionate upon it, that 
you were extreamly dissatisfied with him and his pro- 
ceedings ; and at an entertainment made you by my 
lord Lindsey, at Chelsey, you were pleased to call me 
to you, and command me, because of my friendship 
and acquaintance with him, to advise him to change 
his language and behaviour : that you could not be- 

•See note 20. 



home; we shall find them most miserably 

lieve his master would countenance him in it; and 
that you thought you gave great marks of your friend* 
ship in proceeding no farther, and not taking up the 
triple alliance again : that, whilst you had been joined 
with his master, the crown of France had extreamly 
advanced, his own interest, and none of your majesty's 
as he was obliged to by his treaty. When I delivered 
to him your majesty's message, I found him extreamlj 
3urprized and frighted; which I improved as much as 
I could. ^11 that he had to say to me was, after such 
great sums that his master had paid in England, it was 
hard to be left so. I told him that, as for the sums of 
money, they were not so great as to regret the payment 
of them : that, to my knowledge, the crown of France 
paid to the crown of Sweden two millions and a half 
for being neuters (for so the Swedes were then) ; and 
that your majesty, who was so great and so powerful a 
king, had but three millions of livres for so vast a fleet 
as you put to sea, and for some ten thousand of your 
majesty's subjects that you let pass over into French 
service, That these kind of discourses and reproaches 
would but exasperate your majesty : that I did not 
know how far that might carry you : that his best way 
was^ to be discrieet, and say nothing. I remember his 
expression : E bien, je pargnerai mes paroles, 8f It roy 
mon maUter son argent [Well then, I shall save my 
breath, and the king my master his money]. With this 
I left him, and gave your majesty an account, without 
troubling you with the particulars I do now, that I had 
obeyed your commands to Mr. lluvigny. You ordered 
me also to give my lord Arlington an account (who was 
yet secretary of state) of what had passed between us ; 
|y})}cl^ I al§o did: aud told him, that although Mr« 


administered. The doctrines of liberty, 

Ruvigny talked very high, yet I observed, with what I 
had said to him of the triple alliance being taken ap 
agaia, he was extreamly frighted; and so much, tbiit i 
was sure, if he were well managed, the three millions 
you had during the war might be continued to you. 
He answered me that I was out of play, and no longer 
ambassador; and that you would not take it well, he 
was sure, my meddling any more in business: upon 
which admonition I let that sort of discourse fall. 
Some few days after, Mr. Ruvigny came to see me; 
telling me, that in return of my kindness for having 
advised him so well, he was come to be advised by 
me : that he found all your ministers turning against 
France, and my lord treasurer particularly, absolutely 
in the . prince of Orange's interest : that he was afraid 
you would be brought to join with the confederates, 
and abandon France.- For himself, he was at his wits 
end ; and knew not what measures to take, except I 
WQi^d advise him. Whereupon I told him, that my 
lord treasurer was the man you most trusted ; and, in 
my opinion (if your majesty would accept of it), the 
best way was to offer the continuance of the three mil- 
lions during the war; Car dans ce monde on nefait Hen 
pour rial [For in this world nobody does any thing 
for nothing], After this, I heard nothing from Mr. 
Ruvigny of three months, till at last he came and 
told me, Vous m*avez donne un bon conseil, ^ le roi mon 
maistre vous en est. oblige [The advice you give is very 
good, and what the king my master is obliged to you 
for]. Since my coming into France this last time, I have 
(Conversed much with Mr. Ruvigny, who, partly with 
age, and partly with discontent at his ill usage at court, 
is the most bro^e that can be, and as you will easily 


sopn^ous in the eyes of the wise and vir* 

believe by what I am going to tell you : for finding 
hin always, complaining of his ill usage after the great 
and good services he had done, I flattered his discon- 
tent as much as I could, to get out of him his greatest 
services I found he so much talked of: and at last he 
confessed to me, that when I advised him to offe^ 
your majesty the continuance of the three millions, 
that he proposed it at his court : that they consented 
to it, only with a recommendation to menager la bourse 
du Toy [to be as good an husband of the king's money 
as he could] : that he had done it so well, as to bring 
your majesty to be contented with an hundred thou- 
sand pounds: that if he would, the king of France 
would as easily have paid you three ; and notwith- 
standing his great service, they now refused to make 
his son a brigadier^ or to give him the reversion of his 
place of agent pour les Hugenots, worth a thousand 
pistoles a year. I have seen all the letters writ to 
bim from France about this affair; and your majesty 
may believe me, if Mr. Ituvigny had not managed 
in hopes to make his own fortune by such a service^ 
you had had three hundred thousand pistoles a year; 
whereas now you have but one. I trouble you. Sir, 
with all these particulars, that you may the better 
know your own power and greatness; and conse- 
quently set a greater value upon it, if you think fit. I 
am sure the greatness of the king of France is sup- 
ported only by your majesty's connivance at what 
he does, and the good will Christendom sees you 
have for him. The advantage he has by it, even in 
point of revenue by his conquests, does amount to five 
times the sum you have now from him ; and though 

after-games are hard to play, I think, I understand this 




jtueus of all ages, which had been stflongly 

court so well, and, if you care to have it done, I am 
confident I could get you, by agreement, a million 
of livres a year to be paid whilst the war snail last, 
9nd four millions after the peace shall be made: 1 
mean, Sir, over and above what you have from France 
now. And if you approve of my proposition, be 
pleased to write me five or six lines with your com- 
mands and directions, and I doubt not but to give 

you a good account of it*/' Lord Danby, in a 

letter to Mountague, dated London, July 15, follow- 
ing, tells him, "his majesty had commanded, him to 
write an answer to that part of his letter which con- 
cerns the money. That he shall take it for a good ser- 
vice to get an addition of a million to be well paid 
during the war, and four millions well secured to be 
paid within six months after the peace shall be made ; 
but unless he can be then certain of the four millions^ 
the addition of one million during the war will not be 
enough; it being impossible, with less than the value 
of two hundred thousand pounds sterjing a year, whilst 
the war lasts, to support his affairs, in which he suffers 
so much for their sakes ; as I confess, in my own opi- 
nion, no money can recompense. His majesty knows 
not how to send you any particular instructions as to 
the management of this 'matter; but trusts entirely to 
your judgment, since you tell him that you have pre- 
pared every thing for the execution of his commands in 
it : but he has commanded me to give you this cau- 
tion, that unless you see your way clearly through this 
affair, he would have you communicate to him the steps 
by which you design to arrive at it, before you put it 

* Danby Papers, p. 1—0. 8vo. lond. 17K^ 



inculeatedy ^ and greedily embraced, from 

in execotion V In a letter of Mountague's, written 
from Paris, on the 12th of August, to the treasurer, it 
is said, *' Mr. Pompone tells me, this morning, that Mr. 
Courtin has agreed this matter with the king, my mash 
ter, and in your lordship's presence; and that his ma^ 
jesty will be contented with two millions of livres a 
year only during the war ; which, I confess, surprized 
me extreamly, considering the necessity of his majes- 
ty's condition, and the positiveness of his commands 
to me to insist upon two hundred thousand pounds 
sterling, which I had done very effectually, and must 
have succeeded in, considering the reasonableness of 
the demand, except the generosity of the king otir 
master's nature, who values money so little, has already 

condescended to the lesser sum of two millions V 

Danby was astonished at this account; and attributed 
it to the effrontery of the French ministers, who scru- 
pled not lying when it might serve their purpose. At 
length, however, he found it but too true ; as he tells 

Mountague in September. Hear his words. *^ At 

the kings arrival from Plymouth, I found he had con- 
sented (and in the presence of the duke) to two mil- 
lions, to be compleated for one year, ending at Christ- 
mas next; but confessed he had not considered the 
difference betwixt that and two hundred thousand 
pounds; and said, that two hundred thousand pounds 
was the sum that would be at least necessary for his 
service, and which he had directed that you should in- 
sist upon : and 1 found he was troubled that he had 
consented to the two millions, and immediately sent 
for the duke, whom he commanded to speak with Mf« 

^ JDanbjr Papers, p. 7* 8vo* Lond. 1710. ^ Id* p. 13* 


the beginning of the civil wars to tlie re- 
storation of monarchy ; these doctrines, so 

Courtin about it, and tell him how necessary it would 
be to have two hundred thousand pounds, by reason of 
the danger of the Spaniard falling out with liiin. But 
his highness not being able to prevail upon Mr. Cour- 
tin, nor his majesty being willing to speak any more 
upon that subject to him, the result of his majesty's 
pleasure hath becfti, that he will speak no more of this 
matter himself to Mr. Courtiu, but does command 
that yon do Btill insist upon the sum to be two hun« 
dred thonsahd pounds : but you are to say, that you 
perceive the king did once think to have made a shift 
f#ith two millions, but that naw he finds so gre<at cause 
to apprehend a breach with Spain, or at least so much 
appearance of it, as will necessitate him to be at more 
charge than he intended on the Western islands; so 

that he must needs desire that sum*/' 1 will only 

add part of a letter from the treasurer to Mountague, 

dated London, March 25, 1678, O.S.- " In case," 

says he, '^ the conditions of peace shall be accepted, 
the king expects to have six millions of livres a year, 
for three years, from the time that this agreement shall 
be signed betwixt his majesty and the king of France, 
because it will probably be two or three years before 
the parliament will be in humour to give him any sup- 
plies after the making of any peace with France; and 
the ambassador here has always agreed to tliat sum, 
but not for so long time. If you find the peace will 
not be accepted, you are not to mention the money at 
aRV and all possible care must be taken to have this 
"Whole Begotiation as private as is possible, for fear of 

. J,. \^ * Dniby Papers, p. 24. 8to. Lond. 1710. 

238 > THE LIFE OF 

essential to the happiness of mankind, ttctc, 
as in a moment, buried in obscurity ** ; and 

giving ofFence at home; where, mt the most part, we 
hear in ten days after of any thing that is communi- 
cated to the French ministers.** At the bottom of this 
letter are these remarkable words " This letter is 

writ by my order. C. R.*'* — Lord Danby hereupon 
was impeached, '^ for endeavouring to procure a great 
sum of money, from the French king, for enabling him 
to maintain and carry on his traitorous designs and 
purposes, to the hazard of his majesty's^ person and go- 
vernment." Nobody, I think, can vindicate Danby, 
or Mountague, for the share they had in such an iUioS 
commerce : but if common sense was to determine (tl9 
maxim that the king can do no wrong being set aside)^ 
his majesty himself would not have escaped with impu- 
nity. For it is well known, that the voice of the na- 
tion was for a war with France ; and that money had 
been provided, by parliament, for carrying it on effec* 
tually^. j^ 

*^ The doctrines of liberty were buried in obscurity; 
and the contrary ones established.] From the com* 
mencement of the civil wars, men began to open their 
eyes, and see their natural equality ; their right to free- 
dom ; their independency on the will either of the ma- 
gistrate or the priest. Milton's writings greatly con- 
tributed to these glorious ends : and we may easil)^ 
conceive how much such men as Sidney, Harringtonf, 
and Neville added thereunto. Under the common- 
wealth government, these doctrines found great encou- 
ragement; and the assertors of liberty were the ia* 



* Danby Papers, p. 75. SvQ. Lond. 1710. ^ Duby Mteobs, 

p. 26. 8vo. Lond. 1710. ^ • ^*.-' 

CHARLES 11. d39 

the contrary ones established and con- 

Tourites of the men ia power. From this time, till the 
return of his majesty, religion and government were 
the common topics of conversation and writing : and 
the press frequently produced schemes for reforming 
the one, and new modelling the other. The royalists, 
who hated law, as laying restraint on sovereignty ; and 
who, for the most part, cared little for religion stript 
of pomp, wealth, and power : the royalists, with indig- 
nation, saw all this; attempted to ridicule and expose 
it; and, in their hearts, detested the men who pro- 
moted principles so opposite to their own views of 

things. Nor did they rest here : ^As the resistance 

of Charles, his imprisonment, condemnation, and death, 
were supposed to have flowed from the doctrine of the 
legality of resistance of power, delegated or supreme, 
when used to the prejudice of the people ; it was de- 
termined to extirpate it, and erect the contrary on its 
ruins. The steps by which this was dcflCie, Mr. Locke 
will shew us in the following paragraphs v " The 
first step," says he, ** was made in tlie aot fipr regu- 
lating corporations ^ : wisely beginning that in those 
lesser governments, which they meant afterwards to 
introduce upon the government of the nation; and 
making them swear to a declaration and belief of such 
propositions, as they themselves afterwards, upon de- 
bate, were enforced to alter, and could not justify in 

* By the Statute 13 Car. II. c i. bere inferred to, all persons who shaU 
h% mayors, aldermen, &c. besides the oa^ of allegiance and supremacy^ 
irere obliged to take this oath followinf .^^-^ I, A. B. do declare, and be- 
lieve, that it is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take arms 
Against the king: and that I do abhor that traitorous position of taking 
anas by Us authority against his person, or against those that are commis- 
^oned by him. So kelp me God." 


firmed. Now it was that resistance of the 

thoKe words : so that many of the wealthiest and so^ 
berest men are still kept out of the magistracy of those 
places. The next step was in the act of militia, which ' 
went for most of the chiefest nobility and gentry being- 
obliged^ as lord-lieutenants, deputy-lieutenants, &c. to 
swear to the same declaration and belief with the addi* 
tion only of these words, in pursuance of such military 
commissions ; which makes the matter rather worse. 
than better. Yet this went down smoothly, as an oath 
in fashion, a testimony of loyalty; and none adven- 
turing freely to debate the matter, the humour of the 
age, like a strong tide, carries wise and good men 

down before it. Immediately after this, followeth 

the Act of Uniformity; by which all the clergy of 
England are obliged to subscribe and declare what the 
corporations, nobility, and gentry had before sworn; 
but with this additional clause of the militia act omit- 
ted. Thif the clergy readily complied with ; for, you 
know, that sort cf men are taught rather to obey than 
understand; and to use that learning they have to jus- 
tify, not to examine, what their superiors command. 
But this matter was not compleat until the five- 
mile act passed at Oxford, wherein they take an op- 
portunity to introduce the oath in the terms they would 
have it. This was then strongly opposed by the lord 
treasurer Southampton, lord Wharton, lord Ashley, 
and others, not only in the concern of those poor mi- 
nisters that were so severely handled, but as it was in 
itself a most unlawful and unjustifiable oath. How- 
ever, the zeal of that time against all non-conformists 
easily passed the act. This act was seconded the same 
session, at Oxford, by another bill in the house of 
commons, to have imposed that oath on the whole 


Charles it. ui 

Sovereign, or those commissioned by hiiJtj 

nation. And the providence by which it was thrown 
X>ut Was very remarkable: for Mr. Peregrine Bertie 
teing newly chosen, was that morning introduced into 
the house by his brother, the nbW earl of Lindsey, and 
Sir Thomas Osborn, now lord treasurer, who all three 


gave their votes against that bill ; and the members 
were so even upon the division, that their three votes 

carried the question against it." — In 1675, a bill 

was brought into the house of lords, and strongly sup- 
ported by the bishops and courtiers, which required all 
officers of the church and state, and all members of 
both houses of parliament^ not only to take the same 
oath, but likewise to swear, that '^ they would not, at 
any time, endeavour the alteration of the government 
either in church or state." This was strongly opposed 
by the most considerable peers : protested against by 
them in the warmest manner; but carried, with some 
little alteration, by a majority of voices. Luckily, how- 
ever, for the nation, a dispute arose, between the two 
houses,. abbut privileges ; which put an end to the ses- 
sion before the commons had assented to this infamous 
bill, intended to shackle two-thirds of the legislature; 

The chancellor Finch, and the treasurer Danby> 

bad the honour of projecting and defending this ever^ 
memorable test *. — • — r-How diflFerent was Danby from 
Sir Thomas Osborn I But though the test miscar- 
ried, the doctrine of slavery prevailed ; and resistance 
at all times, and in all cases, was almost universally 
condemned. The clergy zealously preached up the 
divine right of kings ^ and denounced damnation 

•letter to a Friend in the Country, passim; ahd Burnet, toL h 
p<. S83. 

VOL, Y. R 


Vtts condemned by acts of parliameixt ;^ 

against such as should dare to oppose their most.aspbi- 
trary,. their most wicked designs. I will not mi^e 
extracts from the common herd of ecclesiastical wri- 
ters. Tillotson's letter to lord Russel, when under 
condemnatioa for treason, as it was styled, will fiiUy 
show how much the slavish principle had taken -pos^ 
session of wise and good men under this reign. I uritt 
transcribe it at large. It is as follows : 

** MY LORD, . 

'^ I was heartily glad to see your lordship, tkist 
inoming, in that calm and devout temper at receiving 
the sacrament. But peace of mind, unless it be well 
grounded, will avail little. And because transient di»-^ 
course many times hath little effect, for want of time 
to weigh and consider it ; therefore in tender compas- 
sion of your lordships case, and from all the good 'will 
that one man can bear to another, I do humbly ofiei 
to your lordships deliberate thoughts these following 
considerations concerning the point of resistance, if 
our religioi^ and rights should be invaded, a$ youf 
lordship puts the case ; concerning which I' under* 
stand, by Dr. Burnet, that your lordship had onc^ 
received satisfaction, and am sorry to find a change^ 
First ; That the Christian religion doth plainly forbid 
the resistance of authority. Secondly ; That diovgh ' 
our religion be established by law (which your lordship^ 
argues as a difference between our case and that of the 
primitive Christians); yet, in the same law which 
establishes our religion, it is declared, that it i^ not 
lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take up arms^ 
8cc. Besides that, there is a particular law, declaring 
the power of the militia, to be solely in the king. And 
this ties the hands of subjects, though the law of nap 


and censured from the press, and from the 


tnre and the general rules of scripture had left us at 
Kberty: which, 1 believe, they do not; because the 
governmeiit and peace of human society could not well 
Inrbsist upon these terms. Thirdly; Your lordships 
opinion is contrary to the declared doctrine of all jwo- 
testant churches. And though some particular per- 
sons have thought otherwise; yet they have been. con- 
tradicted herein, and condemned for it, by the gene- 
rality 6f protestants. My end in this is, to convince 
your lordship, that you are in a very great and dan- 
gerous mistake: and being so convinf^, that, which 
was before a sin of ignorance, wi{]^ppear of a much 
more heinous nature, as in truth l^h, $nd call for a 
very particular and deep repentance;, which, if your 
lordship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your er- 
ror, by a penitent acknowledgment of it to God and 
men; you will not only obtain forgiveness of God, 
but prevent a mighty scandal to the reformed religion. 
I am very loth to give your lordship any disquiet in 
the distress you are in, which I commiserate from my 
heart; "^but aifi much more concerned, that you do not 
leave the world in a delusion and false peace, to the 
hindrance of yxiur eternal happiness. I heartily pray 
for you; andTlne^eeeh your lordship to believe, that I 
am, with the ]great^t ainc^ty and compassion in the 

*' Your lordships, &c. 


this letter, though it contained nothing but the doc- 
trinies ol^-the times, was very smartly remarked on by 
Mr. Sam ad Johnson; a man who deserved a bishopric 

J.. ■■.--.• 

^ Birch'g Lift of TUtoliQp, p. 109. 
B 2 


pulpit, by the clergy who had hopes of pre- 

as well, at least, as any who ever obtained one. • 

*' I ever took it for granted," says he, " that govern- 
ment ceases, and is lost, when all the ends of govern- 
inent are destroyed; as they plainly are where the 
religion and rights of a kingdom are invaded, for thtf 
more surety and security of which rights men at the , 
first entered into society. I speak the language oi 
Fortescuc. Who then, in this case, is the friend to 
government, and would have it live ; he that invades, 
or he that stops such destructive invasion? Again: 
Who is it that breaks the peace of human society; he 
that invades all that mankind have, or they^ that are 
only willing to dJ^^od their own? I, in my simplicity, 
thought that the breach of the peace had been with the 
trespasser. And I thought likewise, that, by the law of 
England, I might justify the beating of any man that 
would take away my goods ; and that, in so doing I 
should not break the peace: neither would the law 
impute it to rae, but to the invader. These were my 
former thoughts : but we must now learn a new lesson. 
For, it seems, the way to preserve government, is to 
sec it destroyed, and to let tyranny alone, and to suffer 
invasion to go on ; for, otherwise, though the peace 
be already broken to pieces, you distnib the peace* 
But if it were not lawful to advance paradoxes and 
contradictions to common sense; how could men shew 
their learning, or wherein would they differ from other 
men? As for this maxim (the incompatibility of re- 
sistance with the government and peace of human so- 
ciety), it is exactly calculated for the use of a perverted 
government; or of an itisolent hedge-constable, that 
beats a quiet and ordedy person for the conservation 
of the peace, and knocks him down to bid him stand* 

• 1 


ferment. And lest any chance should be 

But, to come closer to the pointy is not the invasion of 
the religion and rights of a people, the highest tyranny 
that can be conceived? And how then came the 
Etiglish divinity to be such a pimp to tyranny, and to 
be so deeply concerned for the subsistence and conti- 
nuance of it without molestation, as to damn all men 
who would not undergo a severe repentance for being 
of another opinion ; and to urge them to recant their 
Enfglish principles upon the very scaffold? Tho' I 
think that to be *a much more proper place for retract- 
ing^ destructive errors than deliverance of truths. But 
I can tell all the world how this came to pass ; for one 
day teaches and certifies another, and things are cleaned 
up, in time, which were mysteries before. The reason 
why the clergy were so zealous for tyranny, was, be- 
j^use it was a tyranny on their own side : their own 
* jui|teifiest and strength to crush all other protestants lay 
fi Ij^jerein, and, according to the Greek and Latin wish to 
> ','^il0|n^s, invasion so applyed was a good things and 
' tjfe/ijprse the better. That made them so very liberal 
^j^Jrihe English rights, and to sacrifice them all at once 
in a peace-offering to Moloc ; and it was a true act of 
worship, for it signalized their loyalty V — He that 
would see how far the slavish principles prevailed; 
may be satisfied fully by consulting the Oxford decree, 
which passed, in convocation, July 21, 1683, which 
condemned some of the plainest and most evident 
propositions in politics. " I wonder," says Harring- 
ton, " why ministers, of all men, should be perpetually 
tampering with government: first, because tbey, as 
well as others, have it in express charge to submit 

* Mr. Samael Johnson^s Works, p. 306;, 


* * 

left for the revival of former principles, so 

themselves to the ordinances of men; and, secondly j 
because these ordinances of men must go upon such 
political principles, as they, of all others (by any thiag 
that can be found in their writings or actions) least HQr 
derstand. Whence you have the suffrage of all nations 
unto this sense : an ounce of wisdom is worth a pound 
of clergy : your greatest clerks are not your wisest men r 
^nd when some foul absurdity in state is committed, 
it is common with the French and even the Italians, 
to call it, Fas de clerc; or, Govemo duprete^" But to 

go on. 1 have said, in the text, that the doctrines 

of liberty are essential to the happiness of mankind* 
^j^t this, in the opinion of Mr. Hobbes, is a mere jest; 
and founded on an absolute mistake^ '' The Athe* 


niaips and Romans," says he, " were free ; that is, free 

commonweahhs : not that any particular men hfUl 

liberty to resist their own representative: but that 

representative had the liberty to resist or invade p 

people. There is written on the turrets of the c; 

Luca, in great characters, at this day, the word 

tas.; yet no man can thence infer, that a particular 

has more liberty or immunity from the service of the 

commonwealth, than in Constantinople. Whether a 

commonwealth be monarchical or popular, the fireedom 

is still the same. But it is an easy thing for men to 

be deceived by the specious name of liberty; and' for 

want of judgment to distinguish, mistake that for their 

private inheritance and birthright, which is the right 

of the publique only. -And when the same error is 

confirmed by the authority of men in reputation for 

their writings in this subject, it is no wonder if il 

* Harripgtoii's Oceaoa, fiist edition, p. 333. 


produce sedition and change of government. In these 
weatern parts of the world, we are made to receive our 
opinions, concerning the institution and rights of com- 
monwealths, from Aristotle, Ciciero, and other men, 
Greeks and Romans ; that, living under popular states, 
derived those rights, not from the principles of nature, 
but transcribed them into their books, out of the practice 
of their own commonwealths, which were popular ; as 
the grammarians describe the rules of language out of 
the practice of the time; or the rules of poetry, out of 
the poems of Homer or Virgil. And because the Athe- 
nians were taught (to keep them from desire of chang- 
ing their government), that they were freemen, and all 
that lived und^r monarchy were slaves; therefore 
Aristotle puts it down in his Politiqiies (Kb. vi. cap. ^.) 
in democracy liberty is to be supposed : for it is com- 
isionly held, that no man is free in any other govern- 
ment And as Aristotle, so Cicero and other writers 
have grounded their civil doctrine on the opinions of 
the Romans, who were taught to hate monarchy, at 
first, by thenoi that, having deposed their sovereign, 
shared amongst them the sovereignty of tlome ; and 
^ter wards by ,their )iUcc66$ors. And by reading of 
these Greek and Latin authors, ro^en from their child- 
hood have gotten a habit (under a false shew of liberty) 
of favouring tumults^ and of licentious controlling the 
actions of their sovereigns, a^d again of controlling 
those controllers with the effusion of so much blood : 
as, I think, I may truly say, there was never any J-hing 
150 dearly bought, as these western parts have bought 
the learning of the Greek and Latin tongues *."-r-Pa 
the former part of this passage, Mr. Harrington re- 
marks, that '* to say, that a Luchese hath no more jit 

« Hobbes's Lemtbao, p. 110. foL Lond. 1651. 



berty or immunity, from the laws of Luca^ thanaTiiib 
hath from those of Oftnstantinople; and to say that a 
Luchese hath no more liberty or immunity by the laws 
of Luca, than a Turk hath by those of Constantinople ; 
are pretty different speeches. The first may be said 
of all governments alike; the second scarce of any 
two; much less of these, seeing it is known, t|uit 
whereas the greatest bashaw is a tenant as well of hia 
head, as of his estate, at the will of his lord: the 
meanest Luchese, that hath land, is a freeholder of 
both, and not to be controlled but by th^ law; and 
that framed by every private man unto no othei: end 
(or they miay thank themselves) than bo protect the 
liberty of every private man, which by that means 
comes to be the. liberty of the couimon wealth*." — 
Biit Mr. Hobbes, I think, is much mistaken in attri- 
buting our notions of liberty, and the consequences of 
these notions, to the reading of Greek and Latin 
writers. Our ancestors in Germany, who understood 
neither Greek nor Latin, entertained them. The feu- 
dal system, in the formation of which neither Aristotle 
nor Cicero were consulted, introduced in these AVestem 
parts by the Northern nations, in a good measure 
adopted them; and they are still subsisting in several 
parts of the globe, where the Greeks and Romans were 
never heard of. This writer, I suppose, had in his eye 
the civil wars of his own time and country, when he 
speaks thus severely of the doctrines of liberty, and the 
supposed patrons of it. The Greek philosopher, and 
the Roman orator, the historians of both nations, and 
many even of their poets, celebrate the patrons of li- 
berty, and consign to eternal infamy her foes. How- 
ever, if I am not much mistaken, it was not from these 

* Ifarrington's Oceana* 

CHARLES 11. 240 

odious in the eyes of the government, and 
at the same time so terrible, the press 

.yfat the spirit of freedom was catched, which produced 
effects so wonderful. From the Reformation, the He- 
brew historians had been read; read diligently aud 
constantly by the bulk of the people : more especially 
by those stiled Puritans, who aided the parliament, and 
rendered their cause successful. The overthrow of 
Pharoab, for his tyranny; the destruction of Sihon, 
and Og, for inhumanity; the hanging the king of Ai, 
and the five kings, by Joshua, after having overcome 
them; the treatment of Adonibezek! and the present 
from the Lord of a dagger, by Ehud to Eglon, whereby 
the Israelites ^ere restored to freedom ; and a multi* 
tude of other instances which might be produced; 
tended much to fill their minds with notions of the 
lawfulness of resistance, and the right of punishing ty- 
ranny and oppression. And the writers of the books 
of the New Testament, though they have laid down 
the doctrine of submission to the higher powers in clear 
and express terms ; yet never thought, as appears by 
their own history, that the magistrate was entitled to 
absolute, unconditional obedience. Now is it to be 
wondered, that men conversant, daily conversant, in 
such writings, should imbibe the spirit of freedom? 
These writings did that on the main body of the sol- 
diery at this time, which Aristotle or Cicero could not 
have ddne : that is, they excited them*o action by ex- 
amples held, on all hands, to be sacred and divine. But 
what are the mischiefs resulting from these doctrines? 
do they, indeed, favour tumults; and licentiously tend 
to controul the actions of sovereigns ; more than their 
fontraries? by no means. If we look intp the histories 

,V.«\. "i^^ir^i 


I*/ J • 


was most strictly guarded ** arid secured i 
and, such as were found to be the authors 

of die Turkish or the Russian empires, we shall Sii%' 
OKnre tumults, more controuling, more deposing, and 
murdering of sovereigns ; than are to l)e fouad in th^ 
annals of those nations where the principles of liberty 
have most prevailed. Sha Hussein was deposed, his 
children massacred, and the crown transferred from bi^ 
family, even in our own days; though, the Afghans, and 
their chiefs, were wholly uninstructed by the masters 
Mr. Hobbes speaks of*. The gentleman, however, 
was unnecessarily alarmed. " The right of resistance,** 
as Mr. Locke observes, *' even in manifest acts of ty- 
ranny, will not suddenly, or on flight occasions, disturl^ 
the government. For if it reaches no farther thim 
some private mens cases, though they have a right to 
defend themselves, and to recover by force what by 
unlawful force is taken from them; yet the right to 
do so will not easily engage them in a contest wherein 
they are sure to perish : it being as impossible foi: on^, 
or a few oppressed men to disturb the government, 
where the body of the people do not think themselves^ 
concerned in, it; as for a raving madman, or heady 
malecontent^ to overturn a well-settled state : the peo- 
ple being as little apt to follow the one, as the 
other V 

** The press was strictly guarded and secured.] The 
liberty of the prfes was always a matter of lamentation 

to the friends of despotism. " Printing," says one 

of these, in an address to his majesty, Charles II. *' is 
like a good dish of meat, which, moderately eaten of, 

* See Hanway's Revolutions in Persia, *> Locke on Government, 

p. 381. 8vo^ Lond. 1674. 



or publiiAers of things disagreeable, under- 

turns to the nourishment and health of the body; 
but, immoderately, to surfeits and sicknesses. As the 
use is very necessary, the abuse is very dangerous. 
Cannot this abuse be remedied any other way, than 
depriving your majesty of your antient and just power? 
How were the abuses taken away in queen Elizabeth, 
king James, and the beginning of king Charles his 
time, when few or no scandals or libels were stirring ? 
Was it not by fining, imprisoning, seizing the books, 
and breaking the presses of the transgressors, by order 
of council-board? Was it not otherwise when the 
jurisdiction of that court was taken away, by act of 
parliament, 17 Car. If princes cannot redress abuses, 
can less men redress them ? I dare positively say, the 
liberty of the press was the principal furthering cause 
of the confinement of your most royal fathers person : 
for, after this act, every male-content vented his pas- 
sion in print; some against his person, some against 
his government, some against his religion, and some 
against his parts. The common people, that before 
this liberty believed even a ballad because it was in 
print, greedily suckt in these scandals, especially being 
authorized by a god of their own making. The par- 
liament, finding the faith of the deceived people to be 
implicitly in them, printed the Remonstrance, the En- 
gagement to live and dye with the Earl of Essex, the 
Covenant, &c. and so totally possest the press that the 
.king could not be heard. By this means the common 
people became not only statists, but parties in the par- 
liaments cause, hearing but one side, and then words 
begat blows. For though words of themselves are too 
wes^ instruments to kill a man; yet they can direct 
bow, and when, and what men shall be killed. In 


went heavy punishments. Men's \ongue«, 

the statute of 21 Jac. printing keeps very able com- 
pany; as salt-peter, gun-powder, ordnance, &c. all 

which are excepted from being monopolies*." 

Another writer, of the same class, had before proposed, 
" that the press be carefully looked into, that no 
seditious books or pamphlets be vented, to poyson the 
people, or to confirm any in their bad principles. The^ 
want of this care," adds he, " hath grown into a great 
seminary of mischief, which, if nothing but our sad 
experience of it, should make us more wary for the fu- 
ture**." But even this was not all. ^The author 

also proposed, that a choice and able committee ** be 
appointed to enquire after all books and writings what* 
soever, which have spoke against the royal right, or 
the right of the subject ; that they may, as many as 
can be got, either be purged or burnt, and declared 
against by authority; and not to remain as apt fuel 
for a new flame, but be buried as far as can be in per- 
petual oblivion. And, perhaps, in the first place, as 
most pestilent, those tracts that have been writ about 
that ridiculous contradiction in adjecto of the two 
houses co-ordination with the king the monarch, when 
the king is the head, the lords spiritual and tempo-? 
ral, and the commons, the three estates, by several 
acts of parliament specified, lippis 8^ tomorihus notum:. 
yet urged for designs mischievous abominably, as we 
have felt. As also that trayterous distinction of the 
Spensers, 'twixt the kings person and office, by twa 
acts of parliament declared treason ; yet in these late 
times maintained by too many. Goodwins book for 

* Atkins's Original and Growth of Printing. 4to. Lond. 1664. Inthft 
Dedication. ^ Lake's Memoranda, p. 130. 4to. Lond. 166^. 


CHARLES ft* 255 

however, were employed; and a courts 

the justification of the morther of the late king, and 
many other of that kind. Mr. Bucks book of Richard 
the Third, wherein he seems to impugne the right of 
the king from the daughter of king Edward the Fourth, 
wife to king Henry the Seventh, too much leaning to, 
if not affirming Richard the Thirds. right, by that mon- 
strous act of parliament that illegitimates Edward the 
Fourths issue. In Sir Edward Cokes book, intituled, 
* The third part of the Institutes of the Law of Eng- 
land, concerning High Treason, and other pleas of th^ 
Crown,' 1658, p. 7. he puts it down there, for law, 
vpoa the Statute of 25 Ed. III. c. ii. de prodiiionibuSf 
thAt if treason be committed against a king de facto, 
and non dejure ; and after the king de jure cometh tp 
the crown, he shall punish the treason done to the 
king de facto ; and a pardon granted by a king dejure, 
that is not also de facto, is void. — In regard Sir Ed- 
ward Cokes writings are by many held in high repute, 
and some have not stuck to style him the oracle of the 
law ; therefore his writings require to be more strictly 
looked into, and that if any errors be found therein, 
they may be detected and expunged, as being more 
dangerous ^an in other mens writings not of so great 
repute. Corruptio optimi est pessima *." Conform- 
able to the sentiments of these persons, an act of par- 
liament passed; in the preamble of which it is said, 
" Whereas the well-government and regulating of print- 
ers and printing-presses is matter of public care, and 
of great concernment ; especially considering that, by 
the general licentiousness of the late times, many evil- 
disposed persons have been encouraged to print and^ 

. i 

* Lake's Memoranda, p. 137. 4to. Lond. 16G2. 

■ "5 

i54 THE LIFE 6V 

with measures so vile, escaped not heavy 

sell heretical^ schismatical, blasphemous, seditious, and 
treasonable books, pamphlets, sid papers, and still do 
continue such their unlawful and exorbitant practice, 
to the high dishonour of Almighty God, the indaa- 
gering the peace of these kingdoms, and raising a dis» 
affection to his most excellent majesty and his govern- 
ment : for prevention whereof, no surer means can be 
advised, than by reducing and limithig the number of 
printing-presses, and by ordering and settling the said 

art or mystery of printing by act of parliament." • 

In the body of the act, '^ all persons are prohibited 
from printing any heretical, schismatical, or o^bafBiVe 
books or pamphlets, wherein any doctrine or opin^oii 
shall be asserted, or maintained, which is contrary to 
the Christian faith, or the doctrine or discipline of the 
church of England, or which shall or may tend, or be 
to the scandal of religion, or the church, or the go- 
vernment, or governors of the church, state, or com** 
monwealth, or of any corporation, or particular person- 
6t persons whatsoever." But as all men could not be 
supposed to know when they wrote heresy, or pro- 
moted schism ; as authors might unwittingly manu- 
facture blasphemy, sedition, and treason ; it was pro- 
vided, that a licenser, appointed by the governnient, 
should inspect all writings prepared for the press ; and 
after being approved of by him, he was to *' testify^ 
under his hand, that there was not any thing contained 
in them contrary to the Christian faith, or the doctrine 
or discipline of the church of England, or against the 
state or government of this realm, or contrary to good 
life, or good manners, or otherwise as thfe Hisiture and- 
subject of the work shall require*." By this, act, 

» Stat 13 and 14 Car. 11. c. 33. 



C0nsures. This alarmed the guilty. Con- 
also, "power and authority was given to messengers, by 
warrant under his majesties sign-manual, or under the 
hand of one or more of his majesties principal secreta- 
ries of state, or the master or wardens of the company 
of stationers, with a* constable, at all times, to search 
all houses and shops where they shall know, or upon 
some probable reason suspect, any books to be printed, 
bound, or stitched ; and to examine whether the same 
be licensed, and to demand a sight of the said licence : 
and if the said books shall not be licensed, then to 
seize upon so much thereof as shall be found imprinted^ 
together with the several offenders, and to bring them 
before a justice of the peace, who was required ta 
commit them to prison, there to remain till they were 

tried and acquitted, or convicted and punished." 

Offenders were, for the first offence, to be disabled 
from exercising their trades for the space of three 
years ; and for the second, they were for ever incapa- 
citated, and to be further punished by fine, imprison-* 
ment, or other corporal punishment, not extending ta 
life or limb, as the judges or justices in the quarter- 
sessions should see fit. Nor were these mere threat- 
enings. Whatever was displeasing to the court wasr 
carefully suppressed ; and men even dared not print' 
the plainest truths that were displeasing to those in 
power. Milton's immortal bopk of Paradise Lost, the 
public had like to have been eternally deprived of, ''by 
the ignorance or malice of the licenser ; who, among 
other frivolous exceptions, would needs suppress the 
whole poem for imaginary treason in the following 

c — " -As when the sun, new rif*n. 

Looks thro' tho horizontal misty air 


scious oi their vile deeds ; they were afrai<l 

Shorn of his beams; or from behind the moon. 
In dim eclipse, disastrous twilight sheds 
On half the nations, and with fear o^ change 
Perplexes monarchies *." 

What notable work these gentlemen licensers made^ 
even with old and approved books, we may learn from 
the following account, given us by Burnet: " When 
I writ Bishop Bedells Life/* says he, "his book against 
Wadsworth was found to be so well written, and was $o 
much out of print, that it was thought fit to reprint it, 
and bind it up with his life. I could not but take 
notice of the case of subjects resisting their prince 
fully stated and justified by him ; and that in a book 
dedicated to king Charles the first, then prince of 
Wales: and this was never once objected to him, nor 
he obliged to retract it; but, instead of that, he was 
afterwards made provost of Trinity College in Dublin^ 
and then iMshop of Kilmore and Ardagh in that king- 
dom. 1 thonght myself bound to warn Mr. Chis- 

well of that passage. He Was much threatned at that 
time for having printed Julian, and he was afraid of 
raising a new storm against himself. I told him, t 
would not suffer the book to be printed, unless that 
passage were printed in it. He shewed it to Sir Roger 
L'Estrange, who would not let it pass till several words 
were scattered quite through it, to give it an air, as if 
Bedell had been only repeating the arguments of other 
men: and even that did not serve turn. A marginal 
note was to be added to the end of that paragraph^ 
which was framed by Sir Roger himself. — Such was 
the severity of our expurgators at that time^."— — 

• Toland's Life of Milton, p. 121. 8vo. Lond. 1761. *» Reaectioiia 

•B a Pamphlet, p. 69. 8to. Lond. 1696w 

chahles it iw# 

"But to go on. It was an article of impeachnieiii'il^aiQst 
Scroggs, chief justice of the King's Bench, ^ That 
whereas one Henry Carr had, for some time before^ 
published every week a Certain book, intituled, " The 
weekly packet of Advice from Home; or. Hie History 
of Popery :" wherein the superstitions and cheats of 
the church of Rome were, from time to time, exposed; 
he, the said Scroggs, together with the other judges of 
the said court, before any legal conviction of the said 
Carr of any crime, did, in a most illegal and arbitrary 
manner, make and cause to be entered a certain rule c^ 
that court, against the printing of the said book, ik 
kac verba. Ordinatum est quad liber intiitdat. 'The 
weekly packet of Advice from Rome ; or,. The Historjr 
of Popery :* non uUerim imprimatur vel pubUcetur pef 
idiquam personam quamcttmque. 

per Cur. 
And did cause the said Carr, and divers printers, and 
other persons, to be served with the same ; which said 
rule, and other proceedings, were most apparently con* 
trary to all justice, in condemning, not only what had 
been written,- without hearing the parties, but also all 
that might for the future be written on that subject; 
cK manifest cbunteiiancing of popery, and discourage- 
ment of protestants ; an open invasion upon the right 
of the subject, and an encroaching and assuming to 

themselves a legislative power and authority *.**»— r ^ 

There wanted not ground for this accusation. For 
bcroggs had given out warrants to one Stepfaibs, a 
messenger of the press, to seize all books unliceiised ; ^ 
together with the authors, printers, and publishers of 

theni'.' As a curiosity, I will here transcribe one 

itf them.' ** Whereas the kings majesty hath lately 


r . 1^ . . ; . ft Jooijwl, 3d Jan. 1^#. 

VOL. V» 8 

i» THE LIFE t)F" 

issued'lii* his fyroolamatton for suppressing the prirf€« 
iiig and publishing nolicensed newfr-books, and pamph-^ 
lets of news: notwithstanding which^ there are divers 
persons who do daily print and publish such unlicensed 
books and pamphlets. These are therefore to will 
and require you, and in his majesty's name to diarge 
and command you, and every of yon, from lime to 
time, and at all times, so often as you shall thereunte 
be required, to be aiding and assisting to Robert Ste^ 
phens, messenger of the press, in the seizing all such 
books and pamphlets as aforesaid, as he shall be in- 
formed of, in any booksellers shop, or printers shop or 
warehouses, or elsewhere whatsoever, f o the end they 
may be disposed of as to law shall appertain. Like^ 
wise, if you shall be informed of the authors, printen^ 
or publishers of such bpoks and pamphlets, you are 
to apprehend them, and have them before me, or one 
of his majesty's justices of the peace, to be proceeded 
against as to law shall appevtaia. Dated this S8tk 
<Jay of May, Anno Dom. l6iJ0. 

'' To all mayors, sheriffs, 
bayliffs, constables, 

and all other officers William sCrogg&. 

and ministers whom 
these may copcern. 

^i To Robert Stephens, messenger of the press * 

Wi^at treatment this man gave to such as were bad 
before him, on account of these kind of transgressions ; 
will best appear from the report of the committee of 
the commons, appointed to examine the proceedings 
of the judges* In this report, we find, ''That th^ 
qommittee were informed, by Francis Smith, book* 
seller^ that be was brought before the chief justice hf 


kis warranty and charged by the messenger, Robert 
Stephens^ that he had seen some parcels of a pamphlet^ 
called^ * Observations on Sir George Wakemans Tryal/ 
io his shop : upon which the chief justice told him, he 
would make him an example; use him like a bore ill 
France ; and pile him and all the booksellers and prints 
ers up in prison, like faggots; and so committed him 
to the kings-bench: swearing and cursing at him in 
great furja And when he tendred three sufficient eiti-^ 
^ens of London for his bail> alledging imprisonment in 
his circumstances would be his utter ruin ; the chief 
justice reply ed, the citizens looked Jike sofficient per- 
sons, but he would take no bail: and lO^be was forced 
to come out by Habeas Corpus, and was tfterwards 
informed against for the same matter^ to bis great 
charge and vexation. 

^^ And a while after, Francis (the son of the said 
Francis Smith) was committed by the said chief jus- 
tice, and bail refused, for selling a pamphlet, called, 
* A New Years Gift^ for the said Chief Justice,' to a ^ 

coffee-house ; and he declared to them, be wduld take 
jio bail, for he would ruin them all. And further it 
appeared to the committee, that the said chief justice 
committcfd, in like manner, Jane Curtis, she having a 
husband and children, for selling a book, called, 'A 
Satyr against Injustice,' which his lordship called a 
libel against him ; and her friends tendring sufficient 
ball, and desiring him to have mercy on heir poverty 
and condition ; he swore, by thef name of God, she 
should go to prison, and he would shew 0(0 more mercy 
than they eoujlid expect from a wolf that came to de- 
vour them; and she might bring her Habeas Corpus, 
and come oiit so :, which she was forqed to do; anj 
after ia&rmed a^nst and prosecnli^ to her tittei 
ruin, foar or five *l^]^s after. 


«tt) tHE LIFE OF 

'' IitHlf manner it appeared to this committe^^ ibaFy 
about that tine also, Edward Berry (stationer, of Grefir 
Inn) was committed, by the said chief justice, being- 
accused of selling, the 'Observations on Sir George 
Wakemans TFjal ;' and though he tendered 1000/. bail;- 
^et the chief justice said, he ureuld take no bail ; be 
should go to prison, and come out according to law* 
And after he, with much trouble and charge, got out 
by Habeas Corpus, he was forced by himself, or hit 
attorney, to attend five terms before he could be dk^ 
charged, thovgh no information was exhibited against 
him in affthat time*." — ^Possibly Seroggs was of 
Wolsey's mud; wbo publicly forewarned the clergy^ 
^ that if tfaej^ did not destroy the press, th^ press would 

destroy them.^ It is, indeed, a bitter enemy to' 

tyranny of every kind **. Mr. Johnson, for writing 

Julian the Apostate, in opposition to the succession 
of the dufre of York, was condemned, by the infamour 
Jefieries, in a fine of five hundred marks, and com* 
milted prisoner to the King's Bench till he should pay 
k, which was the same as perpetual imprisonment^ 
»iat<e he was not able to raise that siun *^.— — I w9 
only just menttonr one fisict more, and it shall be that 
of the immortal Algernon Sidney -, who being ob<- 
^okious to the court, on account of his principles and 
' his virtue, had his closet searched by a warrant froai 
Jenkins, secretary of state, and his papers carried 
away. Among these were found a manuscript ef the 
admirable book of Government, which was given in as* 
evidence on his trial, and made an instrument of his- 
destruction **. — Such a hatred and dread had the mcy* 

* JoarpRl, 23 Bec^ . 1 SSa . . ^ It should be observed, that the act 

for regulating prinfien and printing-presses, though. twice renewed, was 
BOW -expired; an^'eoBieqiiently, all these proceedingt were illegal 
^ 8e« Johoson't Life, prefixed to his Works* * See Sidney's 

Qf consequences : and, therefore, issued pro- 
claraatious against coftee-houses *', as they 

oarcti, aod his ministers, of every thing which had a 
tendency to revive the spirit of liberty! But, thanks 
be to God! all their efforts were vain. Sidney's and 
Johnson's writings hve : and will live, while there is 
any such thing as senseor virtue in the world. 

*' PntclamatiDns were issued for suppressing coffee- 
Iicrases.] At the Restoratiop, Charles was vcrypopular; 
and his measures, how weak soever, were applauded. 
But time began to open men's eyes ; and they saw 
clearly e&ough into his designs. This act men on talk- 
ing, and coinmnnicating their fears and apprehensions. 
Oti this, the court was alarmed: and, "one day, hie 
majesty called the chancellor [Hyde] to him, and com- 
plained very much of tlie licence that was assumed in 
the coffee-houses ; which were the places where the 
boldest calumnies and scandals were raised, and dis- 
coursed amongst people who knew not each other, and 
came together only tor that communication, and from 
thence were propagated over the kingdom : and mec- 
tioaed some particular rumours which had been lately 
dispersed from the fountains, which, on his own be- 
half, he was enough displeased with; and asked him 
what was to be done in it. The chancellor concurred 
with him in the sense of the scandal, and the mischief 
that must attend the impunity of such places, where 
the foulest imputationswerclaid upon the government, 
which were held lawful to be reported and divulged to 
every body but to the magistrates, who might examine 
and punish them ; of which there having yet been no 
precedent, people generally believed that those houses 
iiad a charter of privilege to speak what they would 


were deemed the means of propagating 
reports very imfavourable to their purposes 

"Witliout being in danger to be called in questicm : and 
that it was high time for his majesty to apply some 
iiemedy to such a growing disease, and to refoim the 
understanding, of those who believed that no remedy 
could be applied to it. That it would be fit, either by 
a proclamation t6 forbid all persons to resort to those 
houses, and ^. tot^ly to suppress them ; or to employ . 
«ome spie^ ^ho, being preeient in th^ cpnversatioii^ 
might be r^ady tq charge and accuse the persons who. 
had talked yrith most licence in a subject that would 
bear complaint; upon wbiph the proceedings m^ht be 
in such a manner as would put an end to th^ confidence 
that was only mischievous in those meetings. The 
king liked both the expedients ; and thought that the 
last could not be justly o^ade use of till the former 
should give fai^ warning ; and commanded him to fffiiH 
pose it that same day in cpuncil, that some oi4lBr 
might be given in it. The chancellor proposed it, :ft 
lie was required, with sych arguments as werelik^rto. 
^ move with men who knew the inco^v^niencea vphiiBb 
arose from those places: and the king himself imvh 
tioned it wi^h passion, as derogatory to the govem-i 
ment ; and directed that the attorney might prepare a 
proclaination for t^ie suppression of those houses, i^ 
vy'hich the boaid. seemed to agree: wh^i\ Sir William 
Coventry, who had been heard, within a few days 
before, to inveigh with much fiercenes.s against the 
permission of so much seditious prattle in the impunity 
of those houses, stood up, and said, that coffee was a 
commodity that yielded the king a good revenue ; and 
tli^refpr^ it would not be just to receive the duties aii^ 


CHARLES li; fl63 

and designs, Kor was propei'ty more 

inhibit tfie sale of it, which many inen found to be 
Tery good for tlieir health ; as if it miglit not be bought 
and drank but in those jicentious meetings. Thai it 
had been permitted in Cromwella time; and that the 
hings friends had used more liberty of speech in those 
places, than they durst do in any other; and that he 
thought it would be better to leave them as they were, 
without running the hazard of ill being continued not- 
withstanding his command to the contrary. And upon 
these reasons hia majesty was converted, and declined 
any farther debate; whicii put the chancellor very 
much ontof countenance, nor knew he how to behave 
himself, " But though Hyde failed in his iniqui- 
tous intentions, other ministers adopted his plan, and 
attempted to carry it into execution. For on the I'ith 
of June, 1672, a proclamation was issued, "to restrain 
the spreading of false news, and licentious talking of 
matters of slate and government," In this, notice is 
taken " of the bold and licentious discourses men had 
used in coffee-houses, and in other places, to censure 
and defame the pioceedings of state : and nil his ma- 
jesties subjects are commanded, on pain of being pu- 
nished with the utmost severity, not to write or speak, 
utter or publish, false news or reports; or to inter- 
meddle with the affairs of state or government; of 
with the persons of finy of his majesties counselloura 
or ministers; in their common or ordinary discourses. 
Moreover his majesty declared his resolution of punish- 
ing not only those who used any bold or unlawful 
speeches, but such as should be present at any coftee- 
house, or any publick or private meeting, where such 

•Cl4r«ndoD'iCoalimi«tiaii,vol. III.p. 6.'3> 





secure : for his majesty having leagiied 

speeches were used, without revealing the same within 
the space of four and twenty hours next after such 
words spoken.'^ This, it was imagined, would have 
been a screen for ministers, and a restraint on th^ 
liberty of men's tongues. But the projectors were mis-i 
taken : men talked more boldly than they had before 
done, and scrupled not to censure freely the measures* 
of the administration. The coiirt, therefore, determioe^r 
to strike at the root: and as coffee-houses were the 
places of public resort, and the great marts of new»- 
and politics, it was thought fit to put them all dowi^ 
by a proclamation, ordered in council, Dec. 9Q, 1675 ^ 
'^ Because in such houses, and by occasion of t^ meet- 
ing of disaffected persons in them, divers false, mali* 
cious, and scandalous reports were devised and spread, 
abroad, to the defamation of his majesty's government, 
and to the disturbance of the quiet and peace of th^ 
realm.'' And on Jan. 7th following, another ^' prpcla-p 
mation was published, for discovering and punishing 
malicious and disaffected persons, who did daily devise 
and publish, as well by writing as printing, sundry 
false, infamous, and scandalous libels, endeavouring 
thereby not only to traduce and reproach the ecclesias^t 
tical and temporal government of this kingdom, anci 
the public ministers of the same; but also to stir up 
and dispose the minds of his majesty's subjects to se? 

dition and rebellion." But upon petition of the 

^'merchants and retailers of coffee and tea, a permission 
was granted to keep open their coffee-houses to June 
l^th next, provided that every keeper of such house 
should use his utmost endeavour to prevent and hindeii 
£^11 scandalous papers, books, or libels, concerning the 
govemo^ent -or the public ministers thereof, from be» 


himstelf with France,, against the Dutch, 

illg^*1nroiight into his house, or to be there read, peN^ 
wH^'OV divulged; and to prevent and hinder all-im4^ 
evil^ person or persons irom declaring, utteriog, - and- 
divulging, in bis said house, all manner of false W 
iBcandalous reports of the governsient, or any of thc^ 
ministers thereof*." — •■ — Such were the rigorous meav 
3ures of this reign i Measures detestable in the eyes- 
of the sons of freedom; and which will expose this 
memories of die authors of them to eternal infamy; ■ » 
Let us now hear Mr. North, brother to the ford keeper' 
Guildford, a jealous advocate for the measures of thi^^' 
reign. ** About this time," says he, "Sir William' 
Jdnes being his majesty's attorney general, there was- 
such licentiousness of seditious, and, really, treason-^ 
able discourses in coffee-houses, of which there were 
accounts daily brought to the king, that it was con- 
sidered if cofitee-honses might not be put down. Theit 
it was scarce possible to cohibit peoples talk ; but if 
the opportunities of promiscuous and numerous as* 
seinblie^ of idle spenders of time were removed, ill men^ 
would able to make such broad impressions on 
peoples minds as they did* And the most likely way 
to do it was thoughtto be by a proclamation, recalliiig- 
all their licences, and prohibiting the granting any 
new ones ; and, under this, divers points of law were 
started; whereupon the king commanded that all the 
Judges should attend, to give their advice touching the 
proclamation : and his lordship, and five other judges, 
being all that were in town, attended. His lordship, 
lipon the main, thought that retailing of coffee might 
be an innocent trade ; but as it was used to nourish se- 

dition; spread lies, scandalize great men, it might also 

• ■"■'■ . ' ' ■■ .1 ♦-■'". ' 

*^nip1ef^tHi«tory qC England, vol 111, p. pa7. fol. Lond. 1706, 


bj Tirtue of a mere proclamatkm sink up 

commoa nni&ance V ■■ In another 
aag of thii same afiair, he remarks, *' the 
bf tbe matter was, that, npon applicatMm 
kj petition of tbe coffee-men, who promised to be 
wonderfolly good for tbe future, and to take care Mi 
prevent treasonable and seditious talk in their hooaci^ 
tbe king receded and let them go. And now the 
mischief is aniyed at perfection ; and not only sediuoa 
and treason, but atheis^i, heresy, and blasphemy, are 
publicly taught in diners of the celebrated coffiee- 
bouses; where rooms are peculiar, and tables fork- 
r^igipn, like tbe rota for politics : and it is as nnseemlj 
for a reasonable, conformable person to come there^ as 
for a dergyman to frequent a bawdy-bouse : and tba 
best are but rendesvouses of cheats of one species q( 
other. And the use is much improved by a new in- 
\rention called chocolate-bouses, for the benefit of 
rooks and cullies of quality, where gaming is added 
to ail the rest, and the summons of whores seldom 
fails ; as if tbe devil had erected a new university, an4 
tliese were his colleges, and residences of his professocSj 
as well as his sichools of discipline. This way of pass* 
ing time might have been stopped at first, before people 
bad possessed themselves of some convenience firom 
them, of meeting for short dispatch^^ and (it were 
bard if no good use might be made of them) passing 
evenings with small expence. By which means, bow-t 
ever legally, it \vas not prudently done to suppress 
them ; for a convulsion and discontent would unayoid-^ 
ably follow: and that, I believe, was the real cause 
the proclamation was so sopn withdrawn^." r—Such 

*yorth'| Life of lord keeper Guildford, p. 159. ^o. Lond. 1741^. 

^Korthl Examen, p. 141. 


CHARLES 11, 067 

tire the 4taseless apologies of this writer for so odious 
a measure!— " It is not, indeed, to be expected, 
that men should be suffered to meet together, tumuU 
tuously, in order, to publish their mutual discontents 
and wrongs, and to inflame one another: but com- 
plaints uttered in their families, or dropped occasion- 
ally, or communicated to a friend, can never aftect 
authority. The more men express of their hate and 
resentment, perhaps, the less ihey retaip ; and some-^ 
limes they vent the whole that way : but thes^ pas- 
sions, where they are spaothered, will be apt to fester, 
to grow venomous, and to discharge themselves by a 
more dangerous organ than the mouth, even by ai^ 
armed and vindictive hand. Less dangerous- is a rail- 
ing mouth, than a heart filled and inflamed with bit- 
terness and curses ; and more terrible to ^ prince ought 
to be th^ secret execrations of his people, than thei^ 
open revilings, or than even the a^isauUs of his enemies. 
Of all the blood spilt uqder Tiberius, and the follown 
ing tyrants, for words (and for no greater cause a de- 
luge was spilt); how small a part conduced to their 
security i none, that 1 remember ^ but every drop was 
an indelible stain upon their persons, and upon their 
govemmfsqt: every drop derived hatred, and conse- 
quently ^e^kqess and danger upon it. Kigorous pu- 
nishment for small faults, or for such as in the CP10« 
mon opinion pass fo^^ none, is^a mark of ill politics: it 
makes the spirit of tbeadfniqistration Joojc hideous and 
dreadful ; and it render's ^very man, who finds himself 
liable to the like faults, a capital eqemy. 3urely it. 
ought to be a maxim in government, that errors which 
can hav^ x^o consequences oyght to have up punish* 

ment -In truth, where no liberty is allowed tp speak 

of governors, besides that of praising them, their 
prases w^l be little believed. Their tend^ess aQ4 


fiverstm to have tlieir conduct exaauned^ ^i^W a^ 
to prompt people to think their conduct guilty 01^ 
weak, to suspect their management and designs to b^ 
iieorse than perhaps they are, and to become turbnleDf 
and seditious rather than be forced to be silent.——* 
If princes, whose memory is disliked, had allowed th^if 
fiubjects and co-temporaries to have spoken truth to 
them, or of them, probably, posterity would not have 
spoken so much ill, as it is probable they would hot 
then have deserved it ; and I am apt to believe, that it 
had been better for all of them, to have permitted all 
that could have been said, than to have missed hearing 
what it imported them to have heard: better to have 
heard the disgusts and railings of their people, than that 
their people were armed against them, or revolted from 
them; a fate which has befallen someof them, wb6# 
having had courtiers over-complaisant, or ears over- 
tender, learnt that they were dethroned before they 
had learnt that they were not beloved ; and found scarce 
jany interval between the acclamations of flatterers and 
the strokes of an executioner*/'^—''" As to personal »» 
flexions on men in power,'* says the late lord Hervey 
(who had been himself a minister of state)—" I hold 
such reflexions not only allowable aad just^but alwaya 
reasonable, and often necessary. I do not mean/' con- 
timies his lordship, " by this, to defend coarse lan^r 
gaage and scurrility; and dp admit, that thi^ most pro^ 
per. things may be done in an improper manner : — buf; 
srs I look upon all ministers and magistrates to be the ' 
servants of the public ; so the public, like every private 
man in his own family, has a right to examine, and, 
in common prudence, will examine into evejry part of 
the character of every mfin taken into their service t 

*'* 6ordo&'4 Discounraton Tacitus, to}. IV. p. 319. )9mo» told* IfSSji ^ 




fiHAHLES II. €69 

the Exchequer, and forbid payment to be 

^d those who cai^ give the public any inforinatioa re- 
lating to their characters, not only do their duty to the 
public, but act likewise^ for their own interest as mem- 
bpr^ of the public. If any one desires to be employed 
in the public retenue, do not those who employ him, 
or ought not those who employ him, to enquire into 
his charadBr for substance, integrity, and ability? 
When a maais try^d by the laws of his country, and 
the facts, with regard to that public transgression of 
which he is suspected, are doubtful; are not people ex- 
Mined as to his private character, and sentence oftea 
fronounced upod him according to the analogy pi*e* 
sumed to be between the one and the other ?. Minister^ 
stand in the same light: theil* characters ought a^ 
npfuch to be canvassed, and their being proper or im«^ 
proper guardians of the people, good or bad stewards^ 
for the public, to be guessed at and concluded from the 
tmrne rules, and the same manner of reasoning. We 
find in history, and other remnants of antiquity, that 
this was the custom and practice in the best-constituted 
governments and the most flourishing societies, and 
even amongst the men of the first rank and dignity, as 
Well as of the greatest abilities in the most polished 
times of the most polished nations. Look into the 
works of Cicero, and yon will find all the private vices, 
M» well as public faults, of Catiline, Clodius, Anthony, 
Piso, and Verres, set forth ; and their adulteries, incest^ 
fi^arice, drunkenness, gluttony, prostitution, and pro* 
^fS^Jf as strongly inveighed against, as their faults to 
|fi< "tejttmon wealdi } and used as arguments to alarm 
A4.8Mate.and the people, and caution both against det 
legating any power, or placing any confidence in such. 
men, as of tCA a^ any that are drawu from .their oppres-> 

no TfaE LIFE Ot 

made even of the most just dematfd*^; 

sions, cruelties, peculate rflpasciodsness, and other in- 
justices in the exercise of the power they were vested 
with in their magistracies. This custom likewise pre- 
vailed among the Greeks ; and indeed, how is it possi-* 
ble for the public to form so true a judgment erf the 
real merit and disposition of men, or to guess how {at 
they are to be trusted, from observing billy their ac- 
tions in the masked conduct of their public life, as 
from a knowledge of their less-guarded 'behaviour iot 
private transactions ; and by concluding, however ap- 
pearances may differ, that there always will be a silM' 
litude between the one and the other; and that a bdC 
roan can never be a good magistrate*." 

** The Exchequer was shut up, and payment forbid! 
to be made to creditors.] The creditors of the Vtog^ 
here meant, were the bankers. '' They were a tribe,** 
says Clarendon, ^^ that had risen and grown up in CronH 
wells time, and never were heard of before the late 
troubles; till when, the whole trade of money bad 
passed through the hands of the scriveners. They 
were, for the most part, goldsmiths; men known to be 
so rich, and of so good reputation, that all the money 
of the kingdom would be trusted or deposited in their 
hands. From the time of the kings return, wbeir 
though great and vast sums were granted, yet such vast 
debts were presently to be paid, the armies by land and 
sea to be presently discharged, that the money that was 
to be collected in six and six months would not pro^ 
vide for those present unavoidable issues; but thd^ 
must be two or three hundred thousand pounds gotMir 
together in few days, before they could begin to dts* 

* Lord Hcnrey's Mifcellanebui Thoughtf> Ice. p. 16. Svow- L»d& I74tr ' 

«■• kit III 

CHARLES ir. 271 

-These unjust and arbitrary proceed^ 

band the armies or to pay the seamen off; the defer- 
fing whereof every month increased the charge to an 
incredible proportion : None could supply those occa- 
sions but the bankers, which brought the kings roi- 
ntsters first acquainted with them; and they were so 
well satisfied with their proceedings, that they did 
always declare, that they were so necessary to the kings 
affairs, that they knew not hov& to have conducted 
ihem without that assistance. The method of pro* 
ceeding with them was thus : As soon as an act of par- 
liament was passed, the king sent for those bankers 
(for there was never any contract made with them but 
in his majesty's presence), and be being attended by 
the ministers of the revenue, and commonly the chan- 
cellor and others of the council, the lord treasurer pre- 
sented a particular information to the king of th« most 
urgent occasions for present money, either (ot disband- 
ing troops, or discharging ships, or setting out fl^^)> 
(all which are to be done together, and not by pafcels); 
so that it was easily foreseen what ready money must 
be provided. And this account being madie, the 
bankers were called in^ and told, the king had occasion 
t9 use such a sum of ready money within such a day. 
They understood the act of parliament; and so might 
determine what money they could lend the king, and 
what manner of security would best satisfy themi 
Whereupon one said, He would, within such a time, 
pay one hundred thousand pounds ; another more, and 
another less, as they found themselves provided ; for 
there was no joint stock amongst them^ but every one 
$iippUed according to bis ability. They were desirous 
to have eight in the hundred, which was not unreason- 
able to ask, and tbe king was willing to give: but upon 


ings, we may well suppose, the people hacl 

better consideration amongst themselves, they thought 
fit to decline that demand, as being capable of tnrning 
to their disadvantage : and would leave the interest td 
the kings own bounty, declaring that themselves paid 
six in the hundred for all the money with which they 

were intrusted^ which was known to be trueV . 

.These men, from time to time, had supplied the go^ 
yernment with money, and the crown was deeply in 
their debt; when his majesty, in conncil,^ was pleased 
to declare (Jan. 2, l67 1, O. S.) " that seeing ail the 
princes and states^ bis neighbours, were making great 
preparations for war, both by sea and land; his ma- 
jesty, for the safety of his government and people, 
lookt upon himself as obliged to make such preporaf* 
tions as might be proportionable for the protection 
both of one and the other : and to that end, he has al« 
ready given orders for the fitting and preparing u very 
considerable fleet to be rea'dy against the spring. By 
this inevitable necessity, his majesty, considering the 
great charges that must attend such preparations, and^ 
after his serious debates and best considera;tions, not 
finding any possibility to defray such unusual expences 
by the usual ways and means of borrowing moneys, by 
reason his revenues were so anticipated and engaged^ 
he was necessitated (contrary to his own inclinations}^ 
upon these emergencies and the publick safety, at the 
present, to cause a stop to be made of the payment of 
any moneys now being or to be brought into his Ex<f 
chequer, for the space of one whole year, unto any per- 
son or persons whatsoever, by virtue of any warranty 
securities, or orders, whether registred or not registred 

* ClarciK]on*& Continuation^ vol. Ill, p. 597* 



an aversion to. But there was little ^ re* 

therein, and payable within that time." These were 

hopeful tidings, we may suppose, to the bankers aiid 

their creditors. His majesty, however, out of his 

great grace and goodness, was pleased to assure them, 
that '^ he would pay them mterest at the rate of liix per 
cent.; and, to take away all apprehensiotM or terrpr that 
might possess any of his subjects spirits> be moreover 
declared, that no person whatsoever should be defraud* 
ed of any thing that was justly due t6 him; nor should 
this restraint, to which his majesty had been compelled, 
continue longer than a year. And his majesty was 
pleased further to declare, that tiothing could have 
urged him to an act of this nature, but such a conjunct 
ture of affairs, when all the neighbouring princes and 
states were making such threatning preparations, that 
his government could not be safe without appearitig in 

the same posture*/' -And by another declaration, 

'dated, Dec. 11, 1672, the stoppage was to be ooffti^ 
nued till the May following; which continuance for i&o 
short a time, his majesty says, *' was to show his inten- 
tions of taking the first opportunity that any way or 
means shall offer him, to restore to his good subjects 
all that is justly due to them, and render them under 

his government both safe and happy."-- The kin^ 

and his ministers must have been the most abandoned 
of men, to frame declarations of this nature in order to 
gloss over their villany and injustice. England was ]# 
danger from no prince or state at thi« time: but 
Charles was meditating the ruin of his neighbours, and 

the enslaving his country;-^ —one mean of doing 

which was-^reducing his people to povisrty. i 

' BeclaratioD, fol. In the Savoy, by the King'i Printen. 
VOL. v. T 


medj, as his majesty had, for the greatest 

When the war was <leclaredy it was not thought ^advis- 
ehle immediately to assemble the parliament: but a^ 
his majesty was no oeconomisty -nor his ministers over- 
honesty necessity "Compelled him in little more than a 
year to do it. As the bankers' debt could not wcU 
avoid being/iaientioned^ it was spoken of by Shaftes- 
biiry, at the opening of the sessions % in the following 
manner: — ^^'Tlie king was forced, for thecariyingon 
of his affairs, much against his will, to put a stop to 
the payments out of the Exchequer. He saw the pres- 
sures upon himself, and growing inconveniencies to 
his people,^y great interest, and the^if&rence through 
all bis business between ready-money and orders. This 
gave the king the necessity of that proceeding; >to 
make use of his own revenue^ which hath been of so 
greaA effect in this war. But though he hath put a 
stop to the irade and gain of the bankers ; yet he 
would be unwilling to ruin them, and oppress so many 
iamilies as are concerned in those debts : besides, it 

, were too disproportionabk a burden upon many of •his 
good subjects. But neitherthe bankers nor they have 
reason to complain, if you now take them into your 
care, and they have paid them what was due to diem 
when the stop was made, with lux per cent, interest from 
th^it time. The king is very much concerned, both in 
honour and interest, to see this done. And «yet he 

*!^esires you not to mis-time it ; but that it may have 
only the second : place, and that you will£ist settle 

what you intend about the supply." One would 

think no man could have had the effrontery to have 
littered such sentences in full parliament; — ^no parlia-i* 

* Feb. 5, 1612. 


part of his reign, a pensioned and cons&- 

ment permit the adriser of so infamous a deed to talk 
thns, with impunity, in its presence. But we shall firtd 

the reason in the following note. — ^Thfe bankers 

remained, however, in the same wretched condition. 
The king himself had no honesty; and the parliament 
thought itself under no obligation to make good his 
frauds. To amuse the creditors a little longer, he re- 
commended them once more to the care of his parlia- 
ment; and his chancellor tried to move compassion by 
the following strains *: *^ There is cfee word more I am 
commanded to say concerning iSknt debt is owing 16 
the goldsmiths. The king hdkls' hiniflelf in honour 
and conscience obliged to see tfient'iiiatuified. Besides, 
you all know how many widows, orphans, and parti- 
cular persons, this publick calamity hath overtaken ; 
and how hard it is that so disproportionabie a burden 
should fall upon them, even to their utter ruin. The 
whole case is so well and generally known, that I need 
iay BO more. Your great wisdoms hath not done it at 
the first; peradfCnture that the trade of the banker 
might be supprefssed, which end Is now attained. So 
that now your great goodness may restore to those poor 
people, and the many innocent ones that are conceiiled 
with them, some life And assurance of payment in a 
competent time.**— —This was mere talking: for no- 
thing was done by parliament, towards the payment of 
it, until the 12th of king William; when it was enact- 
ed,^ that, in discharge of ceitain annud perpetual pay- 
ments anid arrears thereof, granted by king Charles IL 
to severatHSmtentees, out of the hereditary excise, the 
same excise should, from the'^dSth of December, 1705, 
stand charged for ever with the payment of three 

• Oct. 27, 1673. See BdnM^^voL C p. 900. 

T 2 


qjiently an obsequious, corrupt *^ parlia* 

pounds per annum, for the principal sums of the owner^^ 
their heirs and assigns^ for ever^ nevertheleiss redeema- 
ble upon payment of a moiety of the principal sums ; 
by whfch means the nation became charged with a 
debt of 664,263/. being the moiety of 1,52,8,^2,61, which 
these principal sums amounted to, apd which is the 
only debt we are now charged with that had any par( 
of its rise before the Revolution V 

^^ His majesty had, for a long time, a pensioned par- 
liament.] '' EnglAid can never be undone but by a 
parliameat,'* ^aid kMril Burleigh : and Montesquieu, in 
an oracular maaDi^/j|jKiD6unces, that ^^ England will lose 
its liberty, wiU'^^^mii^-^hen the legislative power shall 
be more corrupt dian the executive^/' — How coi'mpt the 
executive power was, we have already, in part, seen : how 
corrupt the legislative, I shall now shew. — I shall say 
little of the house of lords, where Charles was known 
to have great influence. Those who consider the 
popish peers, the persecuting bishops, the court lords 
of the time, who sat together, and deliberated for the 
good of their master, trill not wonder to find him capa- 
ble of accelerating or impeding almost any thing that 
came before them. The house of commons, as chosen 
by a free people, and as a numerous body, was with 
much more difficulty managed : and yet the manage- 
ment of them was necessary, as they alone were capa- 
ble of supplying those, wants which the vices and vil- 
lanies of his majesty's ministers occasioned. Former 
kings of the Stuart race had attempted to terrify the 
most illustrious members of the house of cddbnons, and 
they had foolishly dared even to maltreat and imprison 

* History of Customs, Akft, Uc ^rt I. p. 30. Svo. Lond. 1761. * Mon- 
t«sqaieu'8 Spirit of Lawi, tA, f • F 230. 



teent, destitute of the spirit, the trae spi- 

them ; but they at length found that they were in the 
wrong box, by smarting severely for their arbitrary and 
illegal commitments. The foolish prodigality and waste 
made of the crown revenues by James and Charles j . 
together with their pride, weakness, and obstinacy ; 
rendered them incapable of and indisposed to make use 
of methods which, as by experiments hath appeared, 
are more apt to render the members of. these assem- 
blies conformable to the royal or ministerial pleasure. 
Charles saw the error of his family, and for some time 
avoided it. When- measures were to be approved, or 
actions justified, which common sense contemned and 
honesty abhorred, then were men bribed to stifle or 
vote contrary to their sentiments. ** The chief meb 
that promoted the enquiry into the accounts of the 
moitev that was given during the first Dutch war, were, 
.i^keti off (as the word then was for corrupting, m^ttk' 
l^^s); in which the court made so great apaaigjt^, 
ttnititwas thought the king could never h^ve Vfien 
fTCf ailed on to ^part with a parliament so mudi pjrac- 
jSed on, and where every mans price was known ; for 
J8 a man rose in his credit in the house, he raised hia 

prk», and expected to be treated accordingly*." 

" During the second war, the court desired, at leasts 
IfiOOflOOL for the carrying it on. The great body , of 
those that opposed the court, had resolved to give only 
600/XX)/. which was enough to procure a peace, but 
not to continue the war. Garro way and Lee had led the 
opposition to the court all this session in the house of 
commons; so they were thought theproperest to name 
the sum. Above eighty of the chief of the party had 

* Burnet, vol. L p. 268. 


lit di: freedom and patriotism. And fest 

met over oigbt, and had agreed to name 600,000/. But 
Garroway named IfiOOfiOOl. and was seconded in it by 
Lee. So this surprize gained that great snm, which 
enabled the court to carry on the war. When their 
party reproached these persons for it, they said, th^ 
had tried some of the court as to the sum intended t^ 
be named, who had assured them, the whole agree* 
ment would be broke if they offered so small a sum: 
and this made them venture on the double of it. Thej 
had good rewards from the court : and yet they con> 

tinned still voting on the other side*.** Such was 

the shameless corruption of the legislative and execo* 
tive powers! such the abandoned impudence of false 
patriots in these evil times ! Are we to wonder that 
such infamous actions, as the attempt on the Dutdi 
Smyrna fleet; the second Dutch war; and the hnack 
of faith with the bankers, and the consequent rsfii oC 
them^and their creditors; passed unimpeached^'unccir 
sured ? In preceding times, the authors of them wopU 

have met with due vengeance. Not but there w^ 

men of sense, virtue^ and integrity, in this assembly^ 
men who had spirit and resolution enough to point oujf 
and expose the base measures of this reign. By them 
the eyes of the nation, the eyes of many members; 
were opened. But they had not strength to carry their 
motions ; but were over-ruled, over-borne, by a pen* 
sioned majority. In the matters of the declaration 
against the dispensing power, and the bills against po^ 
pery, they were successful : but when their numbers 
increased, and they became troublesome, by observing 
and censuring the wicked deeds of those in power ; the 

*Binrnet,ToL Itp. 3^U 



the natioDy sensible of their manifold op- 
parliament, this pensioned parliament, which began 

May 8, I66l,\iras dissolved, Jan. 25, 1678, 0.S. 

In the dialogne' between two horses, written in 1674, 
hy A. Marrd, we find this pairtiament characterized ini 
the foUowiog manner: 

** That (raytors to th* country^ in a bnVJ bouse of commocis, 
Sbonld gnrc away millkms at every smnmonsL 

** woos. 

** Yet some of tbose givers, sucb beggarly rillains, 
Asr not to be truated for twice twenty shilCogs^ 

/ ■ • ■ . 

" CHAR. 


** No wonder tiiat beggars should still be lor giving, 
Wiko out o£ wfiat's given do get a good Uviog. 

■ ■ • ■ . ■ 

" WOOL. 

*' Fbar knigbts and a knave, who were burgesses madc^ 
Fmt selliRgtbeir conscience were tiberalTy pay^d. 

•* CHAB, 

**'Hbw base are the souls of sucb low-prized sinners. 
Who vote with tbe oountry for drink and for dinners F^ 


The same gentleman (an iiidepeiideQt member, of 
this house^ and a man of strict honour)^ in a. letter, to a 
friend^ speaking of some court transactions with the 
parliament, observes, ^' Nevertheless^ such was the 
nmnber of the constant courtiers, incrpased by the 
apostate patriots, who were bought off, for that turn, 
some at siJ^ others ten, one at fifteen thousand pounds' 
in money, besides what offices, lands^ and reversions to 
others, that it is a mercy they gjave not away the whole 

land and liberty of England. ^The bojlse of com-r 

mons,* says he, soon afterwards, '^ has run almost to 
the etf#of their line ; and are growD extreamly chargo^ 


pressions and cruel treatment from a prince 

able to the king, and odious to the people*." — - 

Indeed the cry against them was so great withoQt 
doors, and the hatred of all honest men within, that 
we are not to wonder at i^he freedom with which they 
were treated. — 1 have now before me a very curiouSy 
and I believe an exceeding scarce pamphlet; supposed 
to be written by the abovementioned Mr. Marvel. 
The title is, ^ A seasonable argument to perswade all 
the Grand Juries in England to petition for a new 
parliament: or, A list of the principal labourers in the 
great design of popery and arbitrary power^ who have 
betrayed their country to the conspirators, and bar- 
gained with them to maintain a standing army in Eng- 
land, under the command of the bigotted popish 
duke, who, by the assistance of lord Lauderdales Scotch 
army, the forces in Ireland, and those in France, hopes 
to bring all back to Rome." Amsterdam, 1677, 4to.— 
The members here are classed under their respective 
counties, their characters delineated, and their gain 
specified. Among many other equally illustrious cha- 
tacters, we find " Sir Robert Sawyer, a lawyer, of as 
ill reputation as his father, has had for his attendance 
this session 1000/. and is promised (as he insinuatee) 
to be attorney general, and speaker of the house of 
commons.-^Sir William Drake, Bart, under the com* 
mand of his fatherrin-law, the chief baron Montague, 
who enjoys 1500/. during the kings pleasure. — ^Sir 
Thomas Hatton, a man of no estate but ms pension* 

William, Lord Allington, in debt veiy much; a 

court pensioner, and in hopes of a whit6 staff. A 
cuUy. Sir Jonathan Trelawney, Bart, one that is 

^ ManreVs World, veL IL p. 74. 


on whom they had conferred the highest 

f. .^owQ to have sworn himself into 4000/. at least, in 
^|ih||pi account of the prize-office. Controller to the duke : 
/ and has got^ in gratuities, to the value of 10,0002» be- 
sides what he is promised for being informer.— -Tho- 
mas Kingy Esq; a pensioner for 50/. a session, &c. meat, 
&C.' drink, and now and then a suit of cloaths. Sir 
Robert Holmes, first an Irish livery-boy, then a high- 
wayman, now bashaw of the Isle of Wight; got, in 
boons, and by rapine, 100,000/. the cursed beginner of 

the- two Dutch wars. Thomas Price, Esq; 500/. 

given him, and 3001. per annum pension, and protection 
at Whitehall during prorogations.— -Charles, earl of 
Ancram, a poor Scot, 500/. per annum pension.— -—Sir 
Joseph Williamson, once a-poor foot-boy, then a ser- 
vitor, now principal secretary of state, and pensioner 

to the French king. Samuel Pepys, Esq; once a 

taylor, then serving-man to the lord Sandwich, now 
secretary to the admiralty: got, by passes and other 

illegal ways, 40,000/. Sir George Downing, a poor 

child, bred upon cluurity : like Judas betrayed his mas- 
ter. What then can his country expect? He drew 
and advised the oath of renouncing the kings family, 
and^took. it first himself. For his honesty, fidelity. See. 
rewarded by his majesty with 80,000/. at least, and is 
a commissioner of the customs : the house-bell, to call 
the courtiers to vote at 6 o'clock at night : an exche- 
quer-teller. Sir Job Charlton, serjeant at law, chief 

justice of Chester : a dull Welch judge : 500/. per an* 

mm for his speakers place. Sir Edmond Wyndham, 

knight-martial, in boons 5000/. His wife was the 
king's nurse.— —rLeviston Gower, Esq; somin«law to 
the earl of Bath ; had a great estate fell to him by 
chance; but honesty and wit never came by accident 


obBgatioiis, in the time of moftt deep 

Baplist May, Esq; privy-purse: 1000/. per antmm aW \ 
lowaaoe: got besides in boons, for secret serrieanP 
40002L Hus b be that said, 500/. per annum wa» ;; 
enovgb for a country gentleman to drink ale, eat bee^ 

and to stink with, &c. Sir Stephen Fox, from a 

poor footrboy, and then singing-boy, has got in places^ 

by the coort 150,000/. clerk of the gree»-clotb. 

Edward Seymour had, for foar years> QfiOOL pensioof 
to betray the country party, for which be then appear- 
ed.* But, since, he hath shewn himself bare-faced^ andl 
is treasnrer of the navy, and speaker; one of the com- 
mssioners of the admiralty, and of the popish cabal* 
■ Sir Leonel Jenkins, son of a taylor, judge of the 
admiralty ; was in hopes to be archbishop of Canter- 
bury : employed in four embassies ; and whose inde- 
fatigable industry in procuring a peace for France has 
been our ■ He affirmed, in the house of conunonsy 

that upon necessity the king might raise moneys with- 

out act of parliament.'^ These are some of the 

yery many worthies mentioned by this writer ; who^ 
sensible of the mistakes- and imperfections which ne- 
cessarily attend a work of such a kind, ^ begs- pardon 
of the gentlemen here named, if he has for want of Jbet- 
ter information undervalued the price and merit of 
tbeir voices, which he shall be ready upon their adver^ 
tisement to amend : but more particularly he must beg 
the excuse of many more gentlemen, no less deserving^ 
whom he hath omitted ; not out of any malice, or for 
want of good will, but of timely notice : but in general 
the house was, if they please to remember, this last 
session, by three of their own members told, that they 
were several papists, fifty out-laws, and pensicmers 
without number ; so that^ upon examination, they maj 

CHAKLES n. ms 

distress^^finding no remedy from those to 

arrive at a better knowledge amongst themseStes^ ami 
do one another more rigbt^ than we (however well af- 
fected) can possibly do without doors/' — The heralds 
and genealogists may possibly object to the accoant 
of the birth, parentage^ and education of some of these 
gentlemen, as being inconsistent with that which, by 
much labour, skill, and inventioo, they have publish- 
ed: but, I think, no reasonable man can judge any 
wrong was done them by exposing them to the scorn 
and detestation of the people. This, in the eyes of 
our best patriots, was thought by much too moderate' 
« punishment. Mr. Booth, afterwards lord Delamere^' 
in a speech made in the next parliament, having ob- 
served ''that there was never any pensioners in par- 
liament till this pack of blades were got together;'^ 
adds, '^ What wiU yon do? Shall these men escape; 
shall they go free with their booty ; shall not the na-^ 
tion^ have vengeance on them, who had almost given! 
up the government ? It was they who bad perverted the 
ends of parliaments. Parliaments have been, and are^' 
the great reiuge of the nation ; that which cures all' 
its diseases, and heals its sores. But these men had 
made it a snare to the nation ; and, at best, had brought 
it to be an engine to give money. If therefore tkfaese' 
go away unpunished, we countenance what they have 
done^ and make way to have pensioners in every par-*/ 
liament : but far be any such thought from any mait^ 
that sits withiii these walls. And having said this, i> 
will, in the next place, humbly offer my thoughts what 
is to be done. In the first place, I do propose, that 
every man of them shall, on. their khees, confess theii;^ 
fault to all the commons ; and that to be done at this 
bar, one by one. Next; that, as fcCr as they are able^ 


whom they had entrusted their liberties, 

tiiey refund all the money ihey have received for secret 
service. Our law wiii not allow a thief to keep what 
he has got by stealth; but, of course, orders restitw- 
tion: and shall these proud robbers of the nation not 
restore their iil-gotten goods f And, lastly,! do pro- 
pose, that they be voted incapable of serving in par- 
liament for the future; or of enjoying any office, civil 
or military; «nd order a bill to be brought in for that 
purpose: for it is not fit that they, who were so false 
and unjust ia that trust, should ever be trusted again. 
This, Sir, is my opinion : but if the house shall incline 
to any other way, I shall readily compiy, provided a 
sufficient mark of infamy be set on them, that the peo- 
pie may know who bought and sold them'," — These 
were the sentiments of a true patriot : sentiments which, 
however now sneered at or despised by the ambitious, 
the luxurious, the covetous, or the necessitous tools of 
- power; will always be venerated,approved,andapplaud- 
ed by every virtuous freeman and Briton, who is sen- 
sible of the waste made on our excellent constitution 

by so infamous practices. In the Journal of the 

house of commons. May 10, 1679, we find, that " Mi. 
Charles Bertie, being called in and examined to several 
questions, and then being withdrawn; it was resolved. 
That the house was not satisfied with the answers 
given by Mr. Bertie, — Sir Robert Howard informed the 
house, that there had been paid to Mr. Bertie, for se- 
cret service, from Ladyday, 1676, to the 30th of March, 
167", the sum of two hundred fifty-two thousand tour 
hundred sixty-seven pounds one shilling and nine- 
pence. Ordered, That Mr. Charles Eertie be con- 

' Delamer's Wotki, p. 119. 


in confidence of their honour, integrity and 

mitted to the custody of the serjeant at arms attetid* 

ing this house^ for his contempt to this house." 

And in the Journal, May 23, l679> we read, that 
'' the house being informed that Sir Stephen Fox had 
paid several sums of money to some of the members 
of the last parliament; and that he has books of ac- 
count to evidenci^ ttbe same : it was ordered, that Sir 
Stephen Fox lie immediately sent for to attend this 
house ; and do hnag with him all the books, and pa- 
pers of accompts, of any money be has paid to any 
meipbers of the last parliament, and others, for keeping 
p«hlic tables : and that Sir John Hotham, Sir Robert 
Peyton, and Sir John Holman, do acquaint him with 
this order. Ordered, That Sir Stephen Fox do forthwith 
produce to this house, his ledger-book, casb-book, and 
jounial, and his receipts for money by him paid for 
secret service : and that Sir John Hotham, Sir Robert 
Peyton,and Sir John Holman, doaccompany the saidSir 
Stephen Fox : and that he is enjoined not to go out of 
the company of the said members before they return to 
the house. Ordered, That no member dp depart the 
service of this house, until Sir Stephen Fox and the 
other members do return. Ordered, That Sir Francis 
Winnington do, to-morrow morning, make a report of 
the informations given to the committee of secrecy, 
touching money paid for secret service to any of the 
members of the last parliament.^'*— -^ — The reasons of 
Mr. Bertie's commitment are said to be his unsatis-» 
(bcUxj answers, and his contempt of the house : and^ 
be Moid not, indeed, pretend tha^he was hardly dealt 
by.-' For after several evasive replies to the questions 
put' t» him, all that was to be got from him was> ^' that 
by the kings order be paid the money. If he had 

f : 



justice: leftt the people, I say, roused by a 

ihe kings leave and commaad, he would answer; bnt 
he never discovered the kings secrets without his com- 
mands; and ihe treasurers orders were in pursuance of 
the kings commands. If the king/* added he, '^ pleases 
to give me his commands, I am ready to inform yon. 
In that hook of all the particulars of secret service, I 
trusted nobody to write it:. I wcpteit fair; and con- 
fess, I took a copy of it. The abqaitlinces were my 
vouchers ; and who signed them, I Immbly desire not 
to declare without the kings leave."*— This, indeed, 
was a confession of the fact ; but such a confessioo, as 
was not available to the ends of public justice. WHve- 
upon Mr. Williams isaid, ^ All is laid upon the king. 
Id en are come to that degree of confidence, that it will 
never be well till you make them great examples. The 
last parliament, the nation was mightily induced to 
the French war, by the encouragement of some of your 
members; and you had a poll-bill for the use of the 
navy, and the officers of the navy treated with the 
merchants for several things ; and you were told, that 
the money was in the navy-office in a room by ilselfl 
As soon as they got the merchants goods, this Mr. 
Bertie, by his tricks, paid them nothing ; and converted 
the money to another use. — Look into the Records, 
and you will find one article against the duke of So- 
merset, ' that he had corrupted parliament men/ It 
was one of the chief articles, &c. and shall we be 
afraid to. do less I Nothing contributes more to the 
destruction of a nation than this. Where a man has 
done so ill, I woulcynake no scruple, by the legislative 
authority, to cut him off. Lay your handff on your 
Jhearts. I think, this man is guilty, &c. who gah in- 
form you and will npt. I would, therefore, imprison 


sense of injury, should endeavour to take 

him; and when such men as he can inform you and 
will not, I would squeeze the orange and make diem 
refiand V- Fox finding the house determined to en- 
ter into the bottom of this matter, after many put-offs 
aad excuses, went with Hotham and the other mem- 
bers to Whitehall for the books : *' where Fox called 
fais servants to bring such books as they had in their 
custody, and sent for other servants that had the rest. 
Some great books were brought into the room: but 
whilst he sent for the acquittances, the lord chamber- 
lain [Adington] came in, and spoke to Fox. Fox said, 
'these gentlemen are some members of the house, and 
I shall not speak without their hewing. My lord 
chamberlain said, I take notice you are employed to 
«earch for books and papers ; but you shall not take 
any away out of Whitehall. Hotham replied. Some, it 
«eems, do make friends of the unrighteous mammon* 
Your lordsliip has quick information of what we came 
about, for our house doors were shut. My lord cham- 
berlain saw the mistake, and would have debated some 
things ; 'biit Hotham said, H^ was not sent to argue 
this, or that ; but to obey his order. My lord cham- 
berlain was very desirous to tell the members why 
'those books were not to be taken out of Whitehall ; 
but Hotham said. Let me have what your lordship 
would say in writing, and I wiU inform the house of it. 
But Arlington replied, That he dared not consent that 
any books should go out of Whitehall without the 
^ings orders ; nor that they should inspect any books 
without the kings command :— ^ — ^but he believed, that 
if the house addressed the king, they might have theit 

^ ^ * Grey's Parliamentary Debates, vol. VU. p. 834. 



vengeance on the ministers of lawless pow- 

desire'." The commons finding the hooks were not 

so easily to be come at, ordered Fox, upon his meoiorj, 
to name, to the house, such members of the last par- 
liament as he paid money to tor secret service. On 
this Fox observed, " That he was under hard circum- 
stances; either to disobey the house, or to divulge a 
secret by the kings command. I can name so few per- 
sons, that it will give no satisfaction to the bouse. I 
named none but what the committee named to me; 
and my memory is not good enough to repeat it. It 
inay be the persons may have an action against me. 
Upon my memory 1 cannot tell who 1 paid money to 
for secret service, and who upon other accounts. I 

, humbly pray that I may not be put to answer." 

This did not satisfy: but the clerk was ordered to read 
the names of the members, one by one, in the cata- 
logue ; beginning with the speaker. Under this ne- 
cessity, Fox "named Mr. Seymour, speaker, at the end 
of every session to have received 1500/. as Sir Edward 
Turner had received before him. After this worthy 
leader, he mentioned Sir Charles Wheeler, Sir Jona- 
than Trelawney, Robert Roberts, Sir Philip Howard, 
SirCourlenayPoole, and others, to the number of 2?''." 
— A few of these, he said, had the money on account of 
being put out of employment, by reason of some forms, 
or of the king's bounty : though it was easy enough to 

•ee the true reason of their having the allowance. 

The matter still did not rest, — On the 24th of May, 
1679, Sir Francis Winnington reported, from the com- 
mittee of secrecy, " that there was iOOOOl. per annum 
paid quarterly, by the commissioners of excise, for secret 

■i Greg's Parliamentarj Debates, vol. Vll. p. 3 

■ Id. p. 332, 

CHARLES 11. m 

t*, and claim the liberties they had so 

service, to members, &c. mostly by Mr. Charles Bertie^ 
whereof no account was given to the exchequer but for 
secret service. Bertie was examined, at the committee, 
whether he paid any of the 20,000/. to members of par- 
liament ? He answered. That he had a privy seal to pay 
it without account; and he was not at liberty to tell 
how \^e disposed of the money, till be had the kings 
command. Next, though Sir Stephen Fox has taken 
a great deal of matter out of my hands ; yet there are 
some more than he has acquainted you with, who have 
received money : viz. to Sir Richard Wiseman ; and 
one Knight^ which Wiseman paid, by a false name ; 
each of them 400/. per annum. Mr. Roberts, at one or 
two payments, 500/. ; and Mr. Price, 400/. Sir John 
Fowel, at twice, had 500/. of Fox. Poole, Talbot, and 
Wheeler, as mentioued before by Fox. Now that I 
have summed up the substance of other evidence from 
payments in Danby's time, there came in tallies of 
QOfiOOL per annum, for secret service, out of the ex- 
cise. Major Huntington, and Sir John James, paid 
the mooey* Sometimes the money was paid before 
the quarter day ; and when tallies were struck, papers 
were delivered back. A book of names there was, to 
whom money was paid. And Bertie had an agent, 
who says, that, after the treasurer was impeached^ 
about the ^th of December, Bertie came in great 
haste to him for that book, with all letters and acquit- 
tances, and that book has many false names in it. And 
if he saw the look, he could tell what members were 
concerned, and under what head he stands. The book of 
20,000/. was increased by Danby in his time ; for for* 
merly it was not above 12,0001. per annum for pensions. 
JParther, there was paid out of the exchequer, for Mr^ 

VOL. v. u 


ifickedly been deprived of; a thing. fluick' 

Cluffin?^ who delivered about a hundced acquittancei. 
to. Bertie. Before the parliapaent did sit, there were 
greater sums paid than at other times. The paper the. 
cominittee took, 8cc. mentions. other persons. Sir.Jo^ 
seph Tredenham. bad 500/. per annum; and Mr. Pieicy^ 
Goring SOOl. peramiunL Sir Robert Holt had sevcraL 
sums to maintain.him in prison. Sir William Glascott,. 
and: Sdr John Brampstone, had several sums; but he.* 
could not discover the particulars. Wiseman, King,, 
and Trelawney, offered to sell their pensions to thci 
commissioners of excise; and did pretend, tbat.tbey. 
might have money beforehand, and the coipmissionecs; 
bad a discount of 12 per cfwiV-o-Upon this report,' 
many things were said.. However, the pensionera had; 
liberty to speak for themselves. Seymour was aogij- 
at his having been mentioned by Fox; but denied not 
his receiving the money. Others made excuses in the 
best mannei: they were able : and a few behaved with, 
effrontery. But the house, in the temper it wai^ id, 
would certainly have passed a heavy censure on.them^;' 
had they not been suddenly dissolved, in order tOi 
screen Danby and these wretched miscreants ^ * 
I have been thus long on this subject, in order to. fiat 
the a^ra of corruption amongst us : — of conuption,. 
which has, since, walked about even at. noon?day. :# 
bidding defiance to honour, to virtue, to the coBunn-- 
nity ; and threatening to overturn the foundatibns of. 
free government. May the names of ita projectors 
and fautors be condemned to eternal infamy! — > — ?It. 
will be but justice, however, to hear what is said byj 
way of apology for this parliament. Lord BoUngbroko; 

• vGrey/s ParliameDtary Debates, VuL^VIU p. 32iL 

CHARLES ri. 291 

feared, because merited by these vile op- 
makes it; and from him it is here recited. " When I 
reflect," says he, " on the particulars here mentioned 
[the voting down the standing army, and projecting* 
the exclusion of the duke of York], and a great many 
others, which might be mentioned to the honor of thi* 
parliament ; I cannot hear it called the pensioner par-» 
liament, as it were by way of eminence, without a de- 
gree of indignation; especially in the age in which 
we live, and by some of those who affect the most to 
bestow upon it this ignominious appellation. Pen-^ 
sions, indeed, to the amount of seven or dght thou-< 
^and pounds, as I remember, were discovered to have? 
been given to some members of the house of com- 
mons. But then tet it be remembered, likewise, that 
this expedient of corrupting parliaments began under 
the administration of that boisterotis, over-bearing, 
dangerous minister, Clifford. As long as there re- 
mained any pretence to say that the court was in thcf 
interest of the people, the expedient of bribery wa^ 
neither wanted not practised. When the court wasf 
evidently in another interest, the necessity and "the 
practice of bribing the representatives of the peoplef 
commenced. Should a parliament of Britsdn act in: 
complyance with a court, 'against the sense and in-* 
terest of the nation ; mankind would be ready to pro- 
nounce very justly, that such a parliament was^nder 
the corrupt influence of the court. Blit, in the easel 
now before us, we have a very comfoFtable example 
of a court, wicked enough to stsind in need of cormp-^ 
tion, and to employ it ; and of a parliament virtuous 
enough to resist the force of thi*' expedient : which 
Philip of Macedon boasted that he employed to invade 
thelibertilS of other countries; anfd which had been 

u 2 


pressors. A standing army was kept ifj^ 

so often employed by men of less genius, as well as* 
rank, to invade the liberties of their own. All that 
corruption could do/ in this parliament, wa« to msuiK 
tain the appearance of a eourt-party, whilst the mear 
tsures of the court united a country party in opposition 
to them. Neither places nor pensions could hinder 
courtiers in this parliament from voting, on many 
signal occasions, against the court ; nor protect eithes 
those who drew the king into ill measures, nor those 
who complied with him in them. Nay, this pensioner 
parliament^ if it must still be called so^ gave one proof 
of independeoey^ besides that of contriving, attest, in 
1675, to purge their members,* on oath, from- all suspi- 
cion of corrupt influence; which ought to wipe off 
this stain from the most corrupt. They drove one of 
the^r paymasters out of court, and impeached the 
other in the fullness^ of his power ; even at a time 
when the king was so weak as to make, or so unhappy 
as to be forced to make, on account of pensions pri-' 
vately negotiated from France, the cause of the crown 
and^ the cause of the minister one, and to blend their 

interests together V A. Sidney's account of thi& 

hopeful set of men, whose characters he well knew,, 
shall close the note.*—" Our kings,'' says he, " had not 
wherewithall to corrupt many, till these last twenty 
years ; and the treachery of a few was not enough ta 
pass a law. The union of many was not easily wrought^ 
and there was nothing to tempt them to endeavour it j 
for they could make little advantage during the session^ 
and were to be lost in the mass of the people, and pre- 
judiced by their own laws as soon as it was ended. 

Parties, p. 31. Sto. Land. ITSlt' 


IRicy conid not, in a short time, reconcile tiheir various 
interests or passions, so as to combine together against 
the public ; and the former Icings never went about it. 
We are beholden to Hyde, Clifford, and Danby, for all 
that has been done of that kind. They found a par- 
liament full of lewd young mep, chosen by a furious 
people in spite to the puritans, whose severity had 
distasted them. The weakest of all ministers had wit 
enough to understand that such as these might be 
easily deluded, corrupted, or bribed. Some were fond 
'of their seats in parliament, and delighted to domineer 
over their neighbours by continuing in them. Others 
preferred the cajolaries of the court before the honor 
of performing their duty to the country that employed 
them. Some thought to relieve their ruined fortunes, 
and were most forward to give the king a vast revemie, 
that from thence they might receive pensions. Others 
were glad of a temporary protection against their cre- 
ditors* Many knew not what they did when they an- 
nulled the triennial act ; voted the militia to be in the 
jling; gave him the excise, customs, and chi^ipey- 
money ; made the act for corporations, ^y which the 
gmitest part of the nation was brought under the 
power of the worst men in it; drunk or sober, passed 
the five-mile act, and that for uniformity in the diurch. 
This emboldened the court to think of making parlia- 
ments to be the instruments of our slavery, which had 
in all ages past been the firmest pillars of our liberty. 
There might have been, perhaps, a possibility of pre- 
venting this pernicious mischief in the eonstkution of 
<iur government. But our brave ancestors could ne^ 
ver think their posterity would degenerate into such 
baseness, as to sell themselves and their country. But 
how great soever the danger may be, 'tis less than to 
put all into the bwds qf one man and his ministers. 

r>ftft<yMtiu»Mktft...i.A , -- ■ •fi^nrt---'*1i'- , V , fT ii 

294 ^ THE LIFE OF 

Anthout law*% and contrary to the declared 


The hazard of being ruined by those who must perlsl^ 
with us, is DOt so much to be feared as by one who 
may enrich and strengthen himself by our destruction. 
^Tis better to depend upon those who are under ^ pojr 
sibility of being again corrupted, than upon one wbp 
applies himself to corrupt them because he cannoj|; 
otherwise accomplish his designs. It were to be wish^ 
pd that our security were more certain; but this being, 
iunder God, the best anchor we have, it deserve^ 
to be preserved with all care, till one of a more unr 
questionable strength be framed by the consent of t^ 

** A standing army was kept up without law.] Mt. 
TEirepchard, in his excellent " Short History of Standing 
^tifiies in England," after having pointed oyt many of 
}ibe enormities of Charles's reign; observes, '-that I^ 
iSurst not have dreamed of all these violations* if he bad 
nop bad an army to justify them. He had thoughts, ^f 
^st, of keeping up the parliament army, which was j9f; 
veral^imes in debate : but chancellor Hyde pre^ail^ 
vpon him by this argument, that they were a bod|( .^ 
men that had cut off his fathers head ; that i\key ba^ 
set up and pulled down ten several sorts of gpvejHi- 
ment; and that it might be bis own turn next. So 
that, his fears prevailing over his apabition, he consent- 
ed to disband them; but soon found how vain and 
abortive a thing arbitrary power would prove without 
an army. He therefore tried all ways to get one: and, 
first, he attempted it in Scotland ; and, by means pf 
the duke of Lauderdale, got an act passed there, wher^ 
by the kingdom of Scotland was obliged to raii^ 
^;Opo foot and ^,000 horse, at bis majesty's call^ tp 

* Dipcounes on GoTemment, py 456. Edit. 1769. 4to» . 


fiie^se of almost all the patliaments of this 

march into liby'paM; of his domimons. Much about 
the same time he' raised guards in England (a thing 
unheard of before in our English donstitution); and^ 
by degrees, increased them, till they became a formi- 
dable army : for, first, they were but very few ; but by 
adding, iilsensibly, more men to a troop or company, 
iand then more trbops or companies to a regiment % be- 
fore the second Dutch war, he had multiplied them to 
ne^r 5,000 men. He then began that war in conjunc- 
tion with France; and the parliament gave him two 
millions and a half to maintain it, with part of which 
money he raised 12,000 men, which were called the 
Blabk-Heath army (appointing marshal Schomberg to 
be their general; and Fitz Gerald, an Irish papist^. A^ 
lieutenant general), and pretended he raised them %i^ at- 
tack Holland ; but, instead of using them to that pur- 
pdse, he kept them encamped bpon Black-Heath, ho** 
vering over the city of London ; which put both the 
parliameilt and city in such confusion, that the king 
wds forced at last to disband them. But there were se- 
veral accidents contributed to it: first, the ill success 
be had in the war with the Dutch, such gallantries 
being not to be attempted but in the highest raptiires 
of fortune: next, the never-to-be-forgotten generosity 
of that great man, general Schomberg, whose mighty 
genius ticomed so ignoble an action as to put chains 
upon a free people ; and, at last of all^ the army them- 
Bclves mutiny 'd for want of pay; which, added to the 
itt humours that were then in the nation, made the 
Iting willing to disband them. But, at the samie time, 

* It appears, from the Memoirs of Sheffield, duke of Buckingham, that 
i!ie first regiment of foot guards consisted of two thousand four hundred 
ISMSdd's WovlEt; Tot f L p.' S7, 

--^-^ -%AA>i.Miiat:^w. ^, ■ 

■i*. . rf. 


reign. But Charles, notwithstanding the 

contrary to the articles of peace with the Dutch, he con- 
tinued 10,000 men in the French service, for the most 
part under popish oGBcers, to be seasoned there in 
slavish principles, that they might be ready to execute 
any commands when they were sent over. The par- 
liament never met, but they addressed the king to le- 
cal these forces out of France, and disband them ; and 
several times prepared bills to that purpose, which the 
king always prevented by a prorogation ; but at last 
was prevailed upon to issue forth a proclamation to le* 
cal them, yet at the same time supplied them with re* 
emits, encouraged some to go voluntarily into that scFr 
vice, and pressed, imprisoned, and carried over others 
by main force : besides, he only disbanded the new* 
raised regiments, and not all of them neither; for he 
kept up in England five thousand eight hundred and 
ninety private men, besides officers, which was his 
establishment in 1673. The king having two great 
designs to carry on together, viz. popery and arbitrarjr 
power, thought this force was not enough to do his 
business effectually; and therefore cast about how to 
get a new army, and took the most plausible way, 
which was pretending to enter into a war with France; 
and to that purpose sent Mr. Thyn to HoUscnd, who 
made a strict league with the States : and immediately 
upon it the king called the parliament, who gave 
1,200,000 pounds to enter into an actual war with 
France, with which money he raised an army of 
between twenty and thirty thousand men within less 
than forty days, and sent part of them to Flanders* 
At the same time he continued his forces in France, 
^nd took a sum of money from that king to assist hini 
in making a private peace w{th Holland : so that, i 

CHARLES 11. 297 

many soothing speeches put into his mouth 

tt» a war withFrance^ the parliament bad giveir 
a^Mit sum to raise an army to enslave themsetvea. 
But it happened about this time that the popish plot 
broke out^ which put the nation in such a ferment 
that there was no stemming the tide; so that he was 
forced to call the parliament^ which met the £3d of 
October, 1678, who immediately fell upon the popish 
plot and the land army. Besides, there were discover* 
ed 57 commissions granted to papists to raise men, 
countersigned, J. Williamson [Secretary of State]; 
for which, and 9aying the king might keep guards if 
he could pay them, he was committed to the Tower. 
This so enraged the parliament, that they immediately 
pi'oceeded to the disbanding of the army, and passed an 
act that alt forces raised since the SQth of September, 
)677, should be disbanded ; and gave the king 693,388 
pounds to pay off their arrears, which he made use of 
to keep them up, and dissolved the parliament; but 
soon after called another, which pursued the same coun- 
sels, and passed a second act to disband the army; 
gave a new sum for doing it, directed it to be paid into 
the chamber of London, appointed commissioners of 
their own, and passed a vote that the continuance of 
any standing forces in this nation, other than the mili- 
tia, was illegal, and a great grievance and vexation to 
the people; so that army was disbanded. Besides this, 
they complained of the forces that were in France, and 
'addressed the king again tq recal them; which had 
some effect, for he sent over no more recruits, but suf^ 
fered them to wear out by degrees. The establish-f 
ment, upon the dissolution of this army, which was in 
the year l6|^g, were 5650 private soldiers, besides offi- 
(cers. From this time he never agreed with his people. 


by his mioisters^ , valued not paiiictmaiis 

iHit dissolved three p^liaments^foUowiog for 
jMo the popish plot ; ^ad iu the three last year»i 
n^ga called aoae at all. And, to crown the work^ Tan-^ 
gier is demolished, and the garrison brought over and 
placed in the most considerable ports iu JBnglaad ; 
nrhicb made the establishment, in 168|, 8482 private 
men, besides officers. Tis observable, in this king's 
reign, that there was not one sessions but his guaidi 
were attacked, and never could get the least cdante- 
nance from parliament: but, to be even with than^ the 
iBourt as much discountenanced the militia^ and never 
would suffer it to be made useful. Thus, we see, the 
king husbanded a few guards so well, tbat^ in a small 
number of years, they grew to a formidable army, HOt^ 
withstanding all the endeavours of the pcu'liament ta 
the contrary : so difficult it is to prevent the growing 
of an evil that does not receive a check in the begins 
ning. He increased the establishment in Ireland to 
7700 men, officers included : whereas they never e»^ 
ceeded, in any former >*eign, 9,000, when there was 
more occasion for them: the Irish not long before 
having been entirelj' reduced by Cromwell, and could 
never have* held their heads up again without bis coun^ 
tenance. But the truth of it was^ his army was to 
support the Irish, and the fear of the Irish was to sup^ 

port his army*.'' 1 believe this narrative to be 

pretty exact. In the Journals we find it resolved, 

Feb. 7, 1673, ^^ that the continuing any standing forces 
in this nation, other than the militia, is a great griev- 
ance and vexation to the people: and that it is the 
humble petition of this bouse, to his majesty, that he 

* Short History of Standing Armies, p. 25-»30. Svo. Loud. 173^ 1 

CHARLES ir, 999 

much more than his father, when they apy 

i?Hl immediately cause to be disbanded that pait 
pf them that were raised since the first of January, 
.^663." His majesty hereupon promised to reduce 
them to a less numbei*^. We aie told, " this mat- 
ter gradually led the house into an uncommon debate 
concerning the kings guards^ which had been estar 
blished soon after the Restoration ; and these follow- 
ing reasons were given in for disbanding the horse 
and foot guards^ commonly called the kings life- 

■^ 1. That, according to the laws of the land, the 
king hath no guards but those called gentlemen pen- 
sioqers and yeomen of the guard. 
• ^' 2. That ever since this parliament, altho* there 
bave beep so many sessions, they never settled the life- 
guard by act of parliament; nay, they have been so 
far from it, that whensoever they bave been so much 
as mentioned in the house of commons, they would 
never in the least take any favourable notice of them, 
always looking upon them as a number of men unlaw- 
fully assembled, and in no respect fit to be the least 
fx>untenanced by the parliament of England. 

" 3. That they are of a vast charge to the king and 

*^ 4. That they are altogether useless to this king- 
dom; as doth plainly appear by his majesty's most 
bappy and peaceable reign since his blessed restor£|r 
tion ; there being so much real and mutual love, confir 
dence, and trusty between his majesty and his good 
people, which is daily manifested by his majesty's frei- 

» Journal, Feb. 11^ 1673. 



way obstructed his views and desigiif; as 

qaent tnistiag and exposing his sacred persoB to his 
people vithoat a guard. 

** 5. That guards, or standing armies, are oidy 
in Qse where princes govern more by fear than by 
loTe; as in France, where ihe government is aibir 

^ 6. That this life»gnard is a standing army in dis- 
guise; and that as long as thqr continue, the roots of 
a standing army will remain amongst us : and theve* 
fore it is impossible effectually to deliver this nation 
from a standing army, till these guards are pulled up 
by the roots. 

'^ ?• I'hat the life-guard is a place of refuge and re» 
treat for papists, and men popishly affected; and a 
school and nursery for men of arbitrary and debauched 
principles, and favourers of the French govemHient; 
as it did too plainly appear in the case of Sir John Coi- 

*^ 8. That if the life-guard were disbanded, the king 
would thereby save some hundred thousand pounds 
per annum; which would in a few years enable him to 
pay all his debts without burthening his good people 
with any farther taxes to that end *" 

This zeal, against guards and standing armies, will, 
I doubt not, appear very strange to many readers, who 
have been long used to see and talk of them with great 
indifferency and unconcern : but we are to rememb^, 
that the army of Charles was kept up without law, and 
filled the minds of men with the most dismal apprehen- 
sions. Our army^ since the Revolution, has, from yeair 

*■ Torbuck'fr Parliamentary Debates, toL I. p. 63. 


to year, been kept up by parliamentary atithority ; and 
afforded very fine provision for numberless gentlemen, 
who, otherwise, would have been in a starving condi* 
tion. No wonder then we hear it not said of these, 
as it was said of those, by the parliament-men of that 

time, ** There go otir masters*," These standing 

guards, in time of peace, all the great lawyers of £ng« 
land declared ta be illegal from the first ; and sudi a 
force upon the nation as the law abhors. The lor4 
chief justice Vaughan had the honesty and courage to 
tell my lord Macclesfield so, though he then commanded 
and was at the head of them. My lord very honour- 
ably remembered this, as an instance of that great man'«. 
i>^tegrity.' ■ But the guards became more formida- 
ble afterwards, when an undertaker offered, with a 
thousand of their horse, of which they had always 
more, to go and conquer the city of London, in a con- 
temptuous manner; and when, with their detach- 
ments, and filling up again with new men, they could 
at any time form an army. They had likewise their 
nursery of Tangier within call ; and, when they saw 

their time, it came over V Mr. Johnson has not 

beightened the apprehensions men, at this time, had 
of these guards or forces. For we find Mr. Russel, in 
the house of commons, saying, " Without betraying 
our trust, we must vote these standing forces a griev- 
ance. There are still designs, about the king, to ruin 
religion and property. Public business is the least of 
their concern. A few upstart people, making hay 
whilst the sun shines, setup an army to establish their 
interest: and he would have care taken, fqr the future, 
that no army be raised for a cabal-interest. It wa9 
taift thie last session, by a gentleman, that the war was 

• Johwon's Works, y. 318. * Id, ibid. 



'^x., ^ ^-^.^-^ — >.v.^.-w v?litA:^v. A ., - ■ . ■ ■ 

sot THE tIFE 0? 

madei rather for the army, than the army for thentrar. 
This government, whh a standing army, can never 
be safe : we cannot be secure in this house ; and sotnei 

of us may have oar heads taken off*." -Sir Robert 

Atkyns, speaking of lord Rnssel's accusation, in hiil 
indictment, of conspiring to seiae and destroy the 
king's guards, says, " The guards; what guards? 
What or whom does the law understawd- or allow to be 
the kings guards for the preservation of his person ? 
Whom shall the court that tried this noble lord, whom' 
shall the judges of the law that were then preset, and- 
upon their oaths, whom ^all they judge or legally 
understand by these guards? They never read c^ 
them in^all their law-books. There is not any statutekJ** 
l&w that makes the least mention of anyguards. The 
law of England takes no notice of arty such guafdis^ 
and therefore the^ indictment is uncertain' antf Void* 
The king is guarded by the special protection of At- 
mighty God, by whom he reigns, and whose vice- 
gerent he is. He has an invisible guard; a guard of 
glorious angels. 

" Non eget Mauri jaculis, nee area ; 

Nee Tenenatis gravida' sagittrs 

(CredeJ pbaretra. 

" The king is guarded by the love of his subjects; the 
next under God, and tlie surest guard. He is guarded 
by the law, and courts of justice. The militia and 
the trained bands are his legal guard, and the whole 
kingdoms guard. The very judges that tried this no- 
ble lord were the kings guards, and the kingdoms 
guards, and this lord Russels guard against all errone- 
ous and imperfect indictments, from all false evidence, 
and proof, from all strains of wit and oratory misftp- 
plied and abused by counsel. What other guards are 

' • Qrefs Debates, vol IL p, 393. 

CHARLES II. ' . S99 

there? We know of no law for more. King Henry 
the Seventh of this kiogdom. (aa history tells us) w^9.« 
the &tBt that set up the hand of pensioners : since tliisi 
tlie yeomen of the guard ; since them, certain armed 
bandsy oommonly now-a-days called (after the French* 
mode) the kings life-guard, ride aboui, and appearing 
with naked swords*, to the terror of the nation. But 
where i& the law i where is the authority for tbem.^ ^ 
— r— Thus talked some of our fathers, wlio bad been, 
witness to the mischiefs perpetrated by mercenaryy 
iUegal bands^ Let us now. hear what was said in de- 
fence of the keeping up standing forces. ^' Our army 
in England,'' said lord Mnlgrav^ in answer to lord 
HaU£uc*s character of a triouher, '' augmented as it i^ 
and well disciplined as it ought to be, is but an assist- 
ance to the posscHiomiUUuM; and a general, in efiect^ 
does but obey a constable; Upon this ground I dare 
conclude, that a competent force, in. defence of the 
kings, person and prerogative, is as necessary a support* 
of the government as the law-courts are in Westmin- 
ster-hall : but who can help it If the trimrnen eyes are^ 
so dazzled with the glittering of a little army on Put-' 
nej-heath^ and his ears so stunned with trumpets and' 
kettle>;drums, that he has quite forgotten the oppositions 
that has been raade,^ these last fifty years, to tfie ui^ 
doubted right of the crown ; and> consequently, to the 
peace of the nation? Let him but think wellof the 
factious and republ,ican principles among us, and of the 
unparalleled boldness our nation always shews in the 
worst designs as well as the best; and my good opi- 
nion of our trimmer gives me almost an assurance, that 
he will, conclude, ten thousand soldiers are now as ne- the kingssafety, and the peoples quiet, as^ 

f Defence of lorditiUMl^Iiinoceiicy, p. 14, fol. £odcL 1689. 


ever the band of pensioners and yeomen of tke gadtd 
«i¥ere heretofore. And I am confident, that lie will be- 
lieve that, as in times of great oppression and injos^ 
tice, it would not be indecent for the house of com- 
mons to desire moderate laws for their future preservs^ 
tion against it ; and that they ought not for that to be 
suspected of rebellion: so when the balance is too 
much on the other side, and kings only are in danger ;' 
it is sure at least as fitting, and as reasonable, for them 
to increase their guards and strength, which ought not 
to breed the least suspicion in their subjects V An 
admirable sort of reasoning this, truly ! to see chains 
forging for us, and yet to be without suspicion of the 
forgers intending to manacle and inslave us! But the 
writer had a command in the army; was a prerogative 
man ; and devoted to the measures, the infamous mea- 
sures, of his master. — ^The danger from these men i» 
well described by many political writers. Among 
thes^ Mr. Gordon observes, '* that no government can 
subsist but by force; and wherever that force lies, there 
it is that government is or soon will be. Free stktes 
therefore,*' adds he, '* have preserved themselves, and 
their liberties, by arming all their people ; because all 
the people are interested in preserving those liberties: 
by drawing out numbers of them thus armed, to «erve 
their country occasionally; and by dissolving them 
(when that occasion was over) into the mass of the 
people again : by often changing the chief officers ; or, 
if they continued the same, by letting their commis<*> 
sions be temporary, and always subject td the controul 
of the supream power, often to that of other co-ordi- 
nate power, as the Dutch generals are to the deputies^. 
Jt is indeed but rare, that states, who have not takea 

* Buckiiighain't Works, vol. 11* p. 37. 

CHARLES 11. 305 

is evident from many of his answers to 
them; his violating *' their privileges ; and^ 

such precaution, have not lost their liberties: their 
generals have set up for themselves; and turned the 
arms put into their hands against their masters. This 
did l^arius, Sylla, Caesar, Dionysfus, Agathocles, 
Charles Martel, Oliver Cromwell, and many others. 
And this they all did by the same means: it is still fre- 
quently done in the Eastern monarchies; and by the 
same means all the Christian princes of Europe, who 
were arbitrary, became so. For as the experience of 
all ages shews us, that all mens views are to attain do- 
minion and riches; it is ridiculous to hope that they 
will not use the means in their power to attain them, 
and madness to trust them with those means. They 
will never want pretences, either from their own safety 
or the public good, to justify the measures which- have 
succeeded : and they know well, that the success will 
always justify itself; that great numbers will be found 
to sanctify their power ; most of the rest will submit to 
it, and in time will think it just and necessary; per- 
haps, at last, believe it to be obtained miraculously^ 
and to have been the immediate act of heaven"/' 

*^ His answers — his violating privileges — and disuse 
of parliaments.] Nothing is more conmion than for 
princes to speak fair in the beginning. Like lovers, in 
the honey-moon, they caress their people, and are ca- 
ressed by them : but having once gratified their desires, 
or finding themselves unable by their cajolings to ac- 
complish the views they entertained ; they grow cool, 
and at length have a loathing. At the conclusion of 
his first parliament, Charles was taught to say,— — r- 

*■ Gordon's IHscourses on Tacitus, vol. IV. p. 342, 
VOL, V. X 


when they were found to be altogether in- 
tractable, his laying them wholly aside. 

'* When God brought me hither, I brought with me 
an extraordinary affection and esteem for parliaments. 
I need not tell you how much it is improved by your 
carriage to wai[ds me ; you have out-done all the good 
and obligitig acts of your predecessors towards the 
crown; and therefore you cannot but believe my heart 

is exceedingly enlarged with the acknowledgment. 

I deal truly with you : I shall not propose any one 
rule to myself, in my actions and counsels, than this ; 
What is a parliament like to think of this action, and 
this counsel ? And it shall be want of understanding 
in me, if it will not bear that test/' — ^These were fine 
words, it must be confessed : but his after-actions were 
no way correspondent to them. Being offended that 
the bill passed by his father for triennial parliaments, 
was not repealed by his second and most loyal pension- 
ed parliament ; merely, I suppose, through their igno- 
rance or inadvertency ; he told them plainly, " that he 
always expected they would, and even admired they 
had not considered the wonderful clauses in that bill, 
which passed in a time very uncareful for the dignity of 
the crown or security of the people. I pray, Mr. 
Speaker, and you gentlemen of the house of common^, 
give that triennial bill once a reading in your house; 
and then, in God's name, do what you think fit for 
me and yourselves, and the whole kingdom. I need 
pot tell you how much I love parliaments : never king 
was so much beholden to parliaments as I have been f. 
nor do I think the crown can ever be happy without 
frequent parliaments : but assure yourselves, if I did 
think otherwise, I would never suffer a parliament to 


After this, we are not to wonder at any 

come together by tlie means prescribed by ihat bill." — 
Thia produced the effect intended: and the parliament 
put it in his majesty's power to render them immortal, 
to the great emolument of the public. For a long time 
things went on very lovingly between tbe king and his 
two houses: but when his majesty was full of con- 
fidence that he might do as he list, and in consequence 
thereof took steps apparently contrary to the religion 
and interest of his country; this very parliament was 
alarmed, and began to talk and act in a manner qnite 
unusual. This alarmed the king; and therefore, upon 
their advising him, in an address, in May, 1677, to 
enter into a league, offensive and defensive, with the 
States General, against the French, for the preserva- 
tion of the Spanish Netherlands, and to make other 
alliances as his majesty should think fit to that end : 
upon this advice, Charles having sent for the commons 

lo the banquetting-house in Whitehall, said, 

" Gentlemen, coald I have been silent, I would rather 
have chosen to be so, than to call to mind things ao 
unfit for you to meddle with as are contained in some 
parts of your last address, wherein yon have entrench- 
ed upon so undoubted a right of the crown, that, I am 
confident, it will appear in no age (when the sword 
was not drawn) that the prerogative of making peace 
and war hath been so dangerously invaded. You do 
not content yourselves with desiring me lo enter into 
Bucii leagues as may be for the safety of the kingdom j 
but you tell me what sort of leagues they must be, and 
with whom : and, as your address is worded, it is more 
liable to be understood to be by your leave, than at 
your request, that I should make such other alliances, 
as I please, with other of the confederates. Should I 

iiiWiiti^nrtTnnnVttrtHWiiV'teiii-Wi- ^ '" '- ■- --- " ''Miav", iVi ", 

^308 THE UFE OF 

thing which happened. A prince, capable 

suffer this fundamental power of making war and peace 
to be so far invaded (though but once) as to have the 
manner and circumstances of leagues prescribed to me 
by parliament ; 'tis plain, that no prince or state would 
any longer bdieve that the sovereignty of England 
rests in the crown : nor could I think myself to signify 
. any more to foreign princes, than the empty sound of 
a king. Wherefore you may rest assured, that no con- 
dition shall make me depart from them, or lessen so 
essential a part of the monarchy : and I am willing to 
believe so vfdlqf the house of commons, that, lam 
confident, these ill consequences are ndt intended by 

. you.''-; On his rejecting the militia bill, Nov* 30, 

^678, which had passed both houses, Charles alleged, 
'^ that it was to put the militia out of his power ; 
which thing he would not do, no not for one hour: 
but if the commons would assist him with money for 
that purpose, he would take care to raise such a part 
of the militia, as should secure the peace of the govern- 
ment and his own person */' ^Thus did his majesty 

talk to his parliament, like Solomon, and the son of 
Solomon, his immediate predecessors, concerning his 
rights and his prerogatives ; notwithstanding, if he 
came honestly by them, and could legally and effecto- 
ally exert them, it must have been by the consent and 
aid of those very persons, or, more properly, the col- 
lective body of his people. In January, 1680, 

N. S. *' great endeavours were used to procure a 

multitude of hands to petitions, which were framing 
in London, Westminster, and several counties, to be 
presented to. the king, for the sitting of the parliament 

* Echard, vol. III. p. 481 ; and Grey'g Debates, vol* Vlp f^ SCO. 


of breaking through the constitution, -dnd 

on the 26th of January, according to the last proroga- 
tion : which manner of petitioning being accoiyited 
unwarrantable and tumultuous; his majesty was 
pleased, in council, to order the lord mayor and court 
of aldermen to take care, in their several stations, ojF 
his majesty's honor, and the peace and safety of the 
city ; and not to suffer such persons that should sign 
such petitions, or go about to procure hands to them, 
to go unpunished : but that they should proceed against 
them, or cause them to. be brought before the council- 
boards to be punished ; according to a resolution of all 
the judges of England, Secundo Jacobi* Two days 
after, his majesty was further pleased to issue out his 
royal proclamation, containing that. Whereas he hath 
been inform'd that divers evil-disposed persons en^lftfiv- 
our in several parts of this kingdom to frame petition* 
to his majesty, for specious ends and purposes relating 
to the public, and thereupon to collect and procure to 
jdjU^same the hands and subscriptions of multitudes of 
)llttS|^;^ajesty's subjects ; which proceedings being con- 
fmjf to the common and known laws of this landj^ and 
tending to promote discontents among the people, aiict 
to raise sedition and rebellion: his majesty doth there- 
fore strictly charge and command aU and every of his 
loving subjects, of what rank or degree soever, that 
they presume not to agitate or promote any such sub- 
scriptions, nor in any ways join in any petition of that 
manner to be preferred to his majesty,' upon pieril of 
the utmost rigour of the law that may be inflicted for 

the same. ^At the same instant his majesty issued 

out another proclamation, declaring his resolution to 
prorogue the parliament from the 26tb day of Janu- 
ary to the llth of November. Notwithstanding the 


violating the rights of his whole people, 

scope of tliese two proclamations, the business of pe- 
titioning was zealously carried od ; and many were 
prepared, and some presented, not long after. Par- 
ticnlarly, on the ISth of January, Sir Gilbert Gerard, 
accompanied with several eminent citizens, presented 
a petition from thousands of bis majesty's subjects in 
London, Westminster, and parts adjacent, humbly 
praying, that the parliament, which is prorogued until 
the 26th dayof January, may then sit to try the offend- 
ers [for the popish plot], and to redress all oar griev- 
ances, no otherwise to be redressed. To which his 
majesty answered. That he looked upon himself to be 
the head of the government, and the only judge of 
what was fit to be done in such cases : and that he 
■ would do what he thought most for the good of him- 
'.Bdf and his people. Then turning to Sir Gilbert, he 
sud, That he did not expect to find one of his name, 
and particularly him, in such a thing; and that he was 
sorry for it. Whereupon Sir Gilbert would liave said 
something to the king ; but his majesty turned away, 
and would not bear him. A few days after, ihe famous 
Thomas Tbynn, Esq; accompanied with Sir Walter 
St. John, and Sir Edward Hungerford, presented the 
Wiltshire petition, to the same effect, in the name of 
that county. His majesty was pleased to ask them, 
Whether they had their directions from the grand- 
jury i Mr. Thynn answered, No. The king presently 
replied, Why say you then that you come from the 
county I you come from a company of loose disaffected 
people: adding. What do you take me to be? and 
what do you take yourselves to be 't I admire that 
gentlemen of your estates should animate people to 
mntioy and rebellion. You would not take it well 1 


by not 8ummoning their representatiVrfii, as 

ihould meddle with your affairs ; and I desir^ you 
-would ndt meddle with mine, especially with a matter 
that is so essential a part of my prerogative. Another 
petition, of the like nature, being presented to him 
the day following, by Sir Robert Barrington, colonel 
Mildmay, Mr. Honey wt>od, fcc. in the names of them*- 
selves, and others, the inhabitants of the county of 
Essex ; the kings answer was, that he was extreamly 
Burprized to see them meddle with matters that so imr 
mediately concerned the crown and him, and that 
against the sense of the best and chiefest men of the 
county : that he believed that %ome of those that had 
signed the petition might mean well; but that they 
were abused by those that did not. To which he yfM 
pleased to add. That he was unwilling to call to miM 
things passed ; yet, that he could not but remember 
the act of oblivion, though not as some did : that those 
who had stood in need of that act, would do well not 
to take such courses as might need another; ai^d that 
he very well remembered forty : and so turned away. 
And for the Berkshire gentlemen, and their petition, 
which was preseifted the same day from their quarter 
sessions, the king, in a more drolling manner, said, 
That they would agree that matter over a ci^p of ale, 
when they met at Windsor ; though he wondwd that 
his neighbours would meddle with his business : and 
that the nation, as well as those gentlemen, might not 
be ignorant of the court resentments, th^ answers wene 
pablickly inserted in the Gazettes*.'' His ma- 
jesty, when he talked after this manner, had forgot to 
ecmsider what a parliament would think of it / » For, 

* Grey^ Debates, vd. VI. p. 5*70. 



in r^son at least he ought to have done; 

as so&n as they were assembled^ notwithstanding what 
the court lawyers had asserted in the proclamations, 
and his majesty himself in discourse had uttered ; we 
find it resolved, nem. con. ^^ That it is, and ever hath 
been, the undoubted right of the subjects of England 
to petition the king for the calling and sitting of par- 
liaments, and redressing of grievances. That to tra- 
duce such petitioning as a violation of duty, and to 
represent it to his majesty as tumultuous and seditious, 
iato betray the liberty of the subject; and contributes 
to the design of subverting the antient legal-constitu- 
tion of this kingdom, and introducing arbitrary power. 
And it was ordered to appoint a committee, to enquire 
of all such persons as have offended against these rights 
of the subject *." This was a noble declaration of the 
law ; a spirited vindication of liberty, attempted to be 
trod under-foot by men most infamous. May we never 

want representatives so uiicorrupt, so intrepid !— 

And as Charles talked thus insolently of and to his 
parliaments ; so he scrupled not, by his actions, to 

shew his disregard to their privileges. "Sir John 

Coventry," says Burnet, "made a gross reflexion on 
the kings amours. He was one of those who struggled 
much against the giving money. The common method 
is : aftet those who oppose such bills fail in the main 
vote; the next thing they endeavour is, to lay the 
money on funds that will be unacceptable, and will 
prove deficient.' So these men proposed the laying a tax 
on the play-houses, which, in so dissolute a time, were 

become nests of prostitution. This was opposed by 

the court. It was said, the players were the kings 

• Journal, Oct. 27, 1680, 


could not but be supposed to entertain 

servants, and a part of his pleasures. Coventry asked, 
Wtiether did the kings pleasure lie, among the men or 
the women that acted f This was carried, with great 
indignation, to the court. It was said, that this was 
the first time that the king was personally reflected on : 
if it was passed over, more of the same kind would fol- 
low ; and it would grow a fashion to talk so ; it was 
therefore fit to take such severe notice of this, that 
nobody should dare to talk at that rate for the future. 
The duke of York told me, he said all he could to the 
king to divert him from the resolution he took ; which 
was, to send some of the guards and watch in the streets 
where Sir John lodged, and leave a mark upon him. 
Sands and Obrian, and some others, went thither: 
and as Coventry was going home, they drew about 
hirn. He stood up to the wall, and snatched the flam- 
beau out of his servants hands: and with that in the 
one hand, and his sword in the other, he defended 
himself so well, that he got more credit by it than by 
all the actions of his life. He wounded some of them, 
hut was soon disarmed; and then they cut his nose to 
the bone, to teach him to remember what respect he 
owed to the king: and so they left him, and went 
back to the duke of Monmoulhs, where Obrians aim 
was dressed. That matter was executed hy orders 

from the duke of Monmouth. Coventry had his 

nose so well needled up, that the scar was scarce to be 
discerned. This put the house of commons in a furious 
uproar. They passed a hill of banishment against the 
actors of it; and put a clause in it, that it should not 
be in the kings power to pardon them. This gave 
great advantages to all those that opposed the court: 
and was often remembered, and much improved, by all 


in fllfton at least he ought to have donej 

as so&n as they were assembled^ notwithstanding what 
the court lawyers had asserted in the proclamations, 
and his majesty himself in discourse had uttered ; we 
find it resolved, nem. con. ^^ That it is, and ever hath 
been, the undoubted right of the subjects of England 
to petition the king for the calling and sitting of par- 
liaments, and redressing of grievances. That to tra- 
duce such petitioning as a violation of duty, and to 
represent it to his majesty as tumultuous and seditious, 
iato betray the liberty of the subject; and contributes 
to the design of subverting the antient legal-constitu- 
tion of this kingdom, and introducing arbitrary power. 
And it was ordered to appoint a committee, to enquire 
of all such persons as have offended against these rights 
of the subject *." This was a noble declaration of the 
law ; a spirited vindication of liberty, attempted to be 
trod under-foot by men most infamous. May we never 

want representatives so uucorrupt, so intrepid !— 

And as Charles talked thus insolently of and to his 
parliaments ; so he scrupled not, by his actions, to 

shew his disregard to their privileges. "Sir John 

Coventry," says Burnet, " made a gross reflexion on 
the kings amours. He was one of those who struggled 
much agai nst the giving money. The common method 
is : afteir those who oppose such bills fail in the main 
vote; the next thing they endeavour is, to lay the 
money on funds that will be unacceptable, and will 
prove deficient^ So these men proposed the laying a tax 
on the play-houses, which, in so dissolute a time, were 

become nests of prostitution. This was opposed by 

the court. It was said, the players were the kings 

• Journal, Oct. 27, 1680. 


could noli,* but be supposed to entertain 

' seryantSy and a part of his pleasures. Coventry: asked, 
I9|bether did the kings pleasure lie^ among the men or 

''i^iphvomen that acted f This was carried^ with gifeat 
indignation^ to the court. It was said, that thid Was 
the first time that the king was personally reflected on : 
if it was passed over, more of the same kind would fol- 
low ; and it would grow a fashion to talk so : it was 
therefore fit to take such severe notice of this^ that 
nobody should dare to talk at that rate for the future. 
The duke of York told mie^ he said all he could to the 
king to divert him from the resolution he took ; which 
was^ to send some of the guards and watchin the streets 
where Sir John lodged^ and leave a mark upon him. 
Sands and Obrian, and some others, went thither: 
and as Coventry was going home, they drew about 
him. He stood up to the wall, and snatched the flam- 
beau out of his servants hands : and with that in the 
one handy and his sword in the other, he defended 
himself so well, that he got more credit by it than by 
all the actions of his life. He wounded some of them, 
but was soon disarmed: and then they cut his nose to 
the bone, to teach him to remember what respect he 
owed to the king: and so they left him, and went 
back to the duke of Monmouths, where Obrians arm 
was dressed. That matter was executed by orders 

from the duke of Monmouth. Coventry had his 

nose so well needled up, that the scar was scarce to be 
discerned. This put the house of commons in a furious 
uproar. They parsed a bill of banishment against the 
actors of it ; and put a clause in it, that it should not 
be in the kings power to pardon them. This gave 
great advantages to all those that opposed the court: 
and was often ^remembered, and much improved, by all 


**- ' - i '- -" — ■ ■* 

314 ^ THE LIFE OP 

views very unfavourable to th€|K^. wdfiure 

the angry men of this time\''-*The honsey .»w.w««. 
seems to haye been in a fiirious uproar ; as it had g9H 
leaaoQ to be. For on hearing Sir Thomas Clarges^'lip^ 
eoont and narratiye of the matter^ ^' the whole house 
ananimously resenting this fact, not only as an high 
breach of privilege, but an attempt of dangerous con- 
sequence to the king, his laws, and goyernment, and 
destructiye to the yery essence and constitution of pwv 
liaments, and in itself a yery yile and horrid act; 
which did look to be no less than a contriyance of 
some wicked persons, that were enemies to the king 
and peace of his kingdom* After debate whereof, it 

was resolved, that a bill be brought in, 8cc **." It 

is very remaricable, that, in the debates on this affidr, 
Sir Edmund Wyndham, knight marshal, '* desired -to 
know whether they would proceed in it here, now it 
was prosecuted at law ; and how far their proceedings 
might hinder the legal prosecution ^. And the earl of 
Ancram said, he knew not how they could inflict 

greater vengeance than the law can inflict. If any 

of these be hanged by law," said he, '^you have justice 
sufficient."-!^— <^ But these miserabks were not attended 
to ;— they deserved not to be attended to. Sir Robert 
Howard, in reply, said, ** He that likes this fact, would 
do it : he that extenuates it, would be perswaded to do 

it. With what boldness can any man speak here, 

that must be pulled by the ears at night for what he 
says ? The people say, in the country, that unless you 
right yourselves in this business, your money is not 

^ Buniet, tgI. I. p. 269. *> Journal, Jao. 10, 1670. * It appeafs 

by the Journal, ** that the examinations of witnesses were taken, and 
returned into the sessimis, in order to the tryal of such persons guilty 
as were ift castodf ." 

CHARLES 11. - 315 

and ha|^|Rness. And so^ indeed, it happened. 

given, bat taken away."— — '^ It is the way/' said Mr. 
JoneSy ^' to make your money to come in the better, 
to punish this horrid un-English act^ when there is a 
s^se in the minds of the people of this horrid abuse ; 
that, by privilege of parliament being broken, the 
people are wounded. — HEIis soul trembles at the sad 

conseqtiences. It is a greater thing than he has ever 

seen here. It concerns the person, justice, and honor 

of the king, council, and house of commons.— —Great 
sums have been given, and great sums must be given ; 

there are many male-contents. Every ill-humour goes 

to the place hurt. The people say, that the house has 

met these several years for nothing but to give money; 
and raising money to that high degree as we have done, 

they may be displeased. Moves, that by this act 

they may right themselves. By this precedent upon 
some of the guards, would have the world know you 

are in earnest *." In the course of these debates, 

it is remarkable that the king is never mentioned in 
terms of disrespect, nor is it hinted that he was acces- 
sary to the fact. Not but that the occasion of the 
barbarity was well enough known in the house; as ap- 
pears from a motion made for a bill to be brought in, 
to punish any man that should speak any reflective 
thing on the king ^. But his niajesty was yet held in 
admiration, notwithstanding his guilt in this affair, and 
the violation of the privilege of parliament. Such a. 
diiuin has majesty ! So little are subjects apt to com- 
plain of their sovereigns ! ^To go on. — ^The house of 

cbmmons, that met March 6, 1678, having chosen My. 
Seymour for their speaker, his majesty thought fit ta 

• Grey«» DebaUs, voL L p. 33a ■»Id.p.546. 

•^ 1 ■iTiiiniWiii'MWMrtWBhVtfi>i^V'w^g:- 6.^ 


For, after the dissolution ofL^tuR last 

discharge the choice, and commanded them to make 
another. This was thought unprecedented, and a viola** 
tion of their privileges. The house, however, desired 
some time to consider of it. This his majesty granted : 
but, upon their representing *' that it was the un- 
doubted right of the commpB| to have the free election 
of one of their members to M^eir speaker, and to per- 
form the service of the house ;" — the king answered, 
" All this is but loss of time ; and, therefore, I com- 
mand you to go back to your house, and do as I have 
directed you *." It may be supposed, such £^n an- 
swer was not very acceptable. Many members re-« 
marked severely on it. Among others, Mr. Williams 
said, — ^* This is no loss of time ; but will be a loss of 
right, if you insist not on your privileges. And plain- 
ly, if the right be with us, shall we sit still, and let it 
be invaded i and you, in parliament, give away the 
right of parliament** ?" However, on another repre- 
sentation, to which an answer was promised by the 
king, though never given; the house, after a proroga- 
tion, fearing a dissolution, submitted to his majesty's 
pleasure. Thus rights were given up, and breach of 
privilege submitted to; even by a parliament that 
wanted not spirit and resolution. — Such were the 
times ! — ^The breach of privilege, by the king, in the 
case of Mr. Montague,, was still more flagrant. This 
gentleman had been ambassador in France, and nego- 
tiated his majesty's pension at that court. Being 
returned from thence, and on ill terms with the trea- 
surer Danby, from whom, by his majesty's command, 
he had received orders and directions in that infamous 

■ Grey's Debates, voL VI. p. 425. * Id. p. 428. 

■< ;• 


parliament, nothing was heard of but the 

affair; it was resolved to seize his papers, though a 
member of parliament, lest he should declare and prove 
what it was thought necessary to conceal *. But some 
caution was required in so delicate an affair. Mr. 
Chancellor of the Exchequer therefore acquainted the 
house, '^ that he was commanded by his majesty to 
inform the house, that his majesty having received 
information, that his late ambassador in France^ Mr. 
Montague, a member of this house, had held several 
private conferences with the popes nuntio there, with- 
out any directions or instructions from his majesty ; 
his majesty, to the end that he might know the truth 
of that matter, had given orders for the seizing Mr. 

Montagues papers V This message, as it was nar 

tural, produced many keen, sensible observations.—— 
*' Montague,'' said Mr. Powle, " is a member of par- 
liament : and it is an old rule, that, in treason, no 
private man, nor members person, can be seized, before 
the accusation be given in upon oath : if not, any 
member may be taken from parliament. I would 
know, whether any legal information has been given 
ae:ainst your member. This was a fatal case in the last 
kings time, of seizing members and their papers. I 
hope never to see the like again. If a great minister 
has a quarrel against a gentleman, and one go and tell 
the kiog a story of him to his prejudice, and his 
papers thereupon must be seized ; I kiiow not whither 
that will go. In the first place, I would be instructed 
by^Emly, who brought the message from the king, &c. 
whether there be any legal information against your 
membei^? and, if there be not, then you may consider 

*Seeiiote22. ' ^Jjamal, 191>ec.l678. 

f'MiftuT' ytf-MW-i'-" 



most arbitrary and unjust proceedings ; 

what to do." Colonel Birch, in the debate, de- 
clared, '^ that' be bad always taken it for granted, that 
no members papers can be seized. I know not what 
haste they are in, in this matter, nor where it will end. 
Forty more members papers may be seized, at this rate, 
and the house garbled ; and then the game is up. You 
have information from Ernly of the thing, 8cc. and you 
may have as good information as this against another 

member.*' Sir William Coventry ** was loath to 

have his papers seized, though but for matter of repu- 
tation. I had rather,** added he, *' have my shirt than 
my papers taken from me.**— —All that was said in 
defence of the action was by Ernly, chancellor of the 
exchequer; who alleged '^ that in all these cases there 
are warrants of the same nature^.*' But this being no 
way satisfactory, it was resolved, '* that the house 
cannot make any judgment, either in relation to their 
member, or the privilege of the house, which may be 
in a great measure invaded, unless his majesty will be 
graciously pleased to let this house know, whether the 
information agginst Mr. Montague was given upon 
oath ; and of what nature the offence is, that is thus 
complained of ^.'* This spirited and just resolution 
secured Montague's papers, who selected from them 
those he had received from Danby by his majesty's 
command; which terminated in the downfall of that 

prime minister. Thus the wise were caught in 

their own craftiness. From this time his majesty 

and his parliaments had no manner of agreement. The 
two last he was particularly ilissatisfied witfi ; «kI re- 

■Grey*8 Debates, ▼ol. VI. p. 337—344, ^Journal, 19 Dtc. 

1678. ..,. . 


proached, very severely, in a " declarat^Dn to all his 
loving subjects, touching the causes and reasons that 

moved him to dissolve the two last parliaments V 

The first of these, he says, made him very iinsuit- 
able returns for his gracious expressions and inten- 
tions. " He had addresses in the nature of remon- 
strances rather than of answers : arbitrary orders for 
taking his subjects into custody, for matters that had 
no relation to privileges of parliament : strange illegal 
votes, declaring divers eminent persons to be enemies 
to the king and kingdom, without any order or process 
of law, any hearing of their defence, or any proof so 

much as offered against them/' He then mentions 

their votes against those who should lend money on 
any branches of the revenue, or buy any tally of anti- 
cipation upon any part of it: as also their resolution 
of the grievousness and danger of executing the penal 
laws on protestant dissenters at that time ; as some of 
the unwarrantable proceedings of that house of com- 
'190ns, which were the occasion of his parting with that 
parliament.—" Which we had no sooner dissolved," 
continues the writer of the declaration, " but we 
caused another to be forthwith assembled at Oxford \ 
at the opening of which, we thought it necessary to 
give them warning of the errors of the former, in hopes 
to have prevented the like miscarriages ; and we re- 
quired of them to make the laws of the land their rule, 
as we did, and do, resolve they shall be ours. We 
further added, that what we had formerly and so often 
declared, concerning the succession, we could not de- 
part from: but, to remove all reasonable fears that 
might arise from a possibility of a popish successor's 
coming to the crown, if means could be found, that, in 

* London, by the king's printers. foL 1681. 


S i Ajiiv^fth i iv — ■ ■■•..- 'uT ••;> 


such a case, the admiaistration of the government 
might remain in protestant hands, we were ready to 
hearken to any expedient, by which the religion estab- 
lished might be preserved, and the monarchy not de- 
stroyed. But, contrary to our offers and expectation, 
we saw that no expedient would be entertained but 
that of a total exclusion, which we had so often de- 
clared was a point that, in our royal judgment, so 
nearly concerned us, both in honor, justice, and con- 
science, that we could never consent to it. In short, 
we cannot, after the sad e:?perience we have had of the 
late civil wars, that murdered our father of blessed me- 
mory, and ruined the monarchy, consent to a law that 
shall establish another most unnatural war, or at least 
make it necessary to maintain a standing force, for the 
preserving the government and the peace of the kUig- 
dom. And we have reason to believe, by what passed 
in the last parliament at Westminster, that if we could 
have been brought to give our consent to a bill of 
exclusion, the intent was not to rest there, but to- pass 
further, and to attempt some other great and impor- 
tant changes even in present." The votes of the 

commons at Oxford, with relation to the trial of Fitz- 
Harris, are herein also said to have been the greatest 
violation of the constitution of parliaments, and an 
inducement to put an end to that parliament itself. 
— " But notwithstanding all this," says the writer, 
'* let not the restless malice of ill men, who are labour- 
ing to poyson our people, some out of fondness of 
their old beloved commonwealth principles, and some 
out of anger at their being disappointed in the par- 
ticular designs they had for the accomplishment of 
their own ambition and greatness, perswade any of our 
good subjects that we intend to lay aside the use of 
parliaments : for we do still declare, that no irregulari- 

CHARLES 11. 321 

ties in parliaments shall ever make us out 6f love with 
parliaments, which we look upon as the best method 
for ^healing the distempers of the kingdom, and the 
only meaQ3 to preserve the monarchy in that due 
credit and respect which it ought to have both at 
home and abroad. And for this cause we are resolved, 
by the blessing of God, to have frequent parliaments ; 
and, both in and out of parliament, to use our utmost 
endeavours to extirpate popery, and to redress all the 
grievances of our good subjects ; and ia all things, to 
govern according to the laws of the kingdom.'^ — This 
declaration is dated Whitehall^ Apr. 8, 1681, and was 
ordered by his majesty, in council, on the motion of 
Archbishop Sancroft, to be read in all 4;hurches and 

chapels throughout the kingdom. Charles, we 

are to observe, after having, in twenty-six months, 
dissolved four parliaments, never called another, not- 
withstanding the solemn promise contained in this 
declaration. Such was the honour and probity of the 

man! — such hislove of parliaments ! -The following 

passage, from Burnet, will be no improper supplement 

to this note. *^ To prevent all trouble from the 

lords, the king was advised,'' says he, " to go and be 

present at all their debates. ^At first, the king sat 

decently on the throne, tho' even that was a great 
restraint on the freedom of debate; which had some 
fiffajt for a while : tho' afterwards many of the lords 
seemed to speak with the more boldness; because, 
they said, one heard it to whom they had no other 
access but in that place: and they took the more li- 
berty, because what they had said could not be re- 
peated wrong. The king, who was often weary of 
time, and did not know how to get round the day, 
liked the going to the house as a pleasant diversion. 
So he went constantly. And he quickly left the 
vox. v. Y 


tbroDCy ind stood by the fire; which di*e«p a croaci 
mbont hilB, that broke all the decency of that boose: 
for before that time every lord sat regularly ia hit 
place: but the kings coming broke the order of their 
sitting as became senatom. The kings going thither 
had a imnch' Worse effect: for he became a comtnoa 
soliiditory not only in public affairs^ bat even in private 
tnatters of justice. He wouid> in a very little time^ 
have gone round the house^ and spoke to every man 
he thought worth speaking to. And be was apt to do 
that npott the solicitation of any of the ladies in favour, 
or of akiy that had credit with them. He knew well 
tm whom he couM prevail : so being once, in a matter 
4>f justice, desired to speak to the earl of Essex and the 
lord HoHis;4he said, they were stiff and sullen men: 
but when he wfts next desired to solicit two others, ivB 
undertook to do it ; and said, They are men of no eon* 
icienee, so I will take the government of their eon- 
ecience into my own hands. Yet when any of the 
Ibrds told him, plainly, that they could not vote m h€ 
idesired ; he seamed to take it well from them. When 
the act against conventicles was debated in that honsey 
Wilkins argued long against it. The king was mneh 
Ibr having it pass ; net that he intended to execute i^ 
but he vFas gted to have that body of men at mercy, 
iiid to force them to concur in the design for a genem! 
toleration. He spoke to Wilkins not to oppose. He 
answered; He thought it an ill thing both in con* 
science and policy; therefore, both as he was an 
Englishman and a bishop, he was bound to oppose it. 
The king then desired him not to come to the house ! 

wrhile it depended. He said^ By the law and conslittt 1 

lion of England, add by his majesty's favour, be had a 
rfght to debate and vote: and he was neither afraid 
n.i)X ashamed to own his opinion in that matter^ a&d to 



severe und crael prosecutions. Charters ^** 

tact pursuant to it. So he went on : and the king was 
not offended with his freedom. But though he bore 
with such a frank refusing to comply with his desire ) 
yet, if Atiy had madef him such general answers as led 
him to behere they intended to be compliant^ and had 
mot in all thiiigs done as he expected^ he called that a 
juggling with hun | and he was apt to speak hardly of 
them on that account *J* 

^•^ Charters were given up-^Mjr declared forfeited.] 
It appears, from his majeety't declaration, mentioned 
in the preceding note, that he was extremely a^gry 
with the transactions of the members of the house of 
commons : and it may well be sopposed, that he was 
not destitute of thoughts of revenge. But as thd city 
le^f London was averse to his measures ; it war^oeces* 
sary^ by some means or other, to deprive them of the 
power of thwarting bis designs. What gave him 
courage to ekecute his ittteniiocis, was, the turn of 
e^Bfn in the na€k)0, evidenced by addresses full of 
complimeou to the king and bis brothers with $a%u^ 
rttnoes of standing by the succession i and, at the iwmt 
time^ reviling and blaming those who had acted coi^- 
trary thereunto* So that his majesty b^ame^ on a 
Mdden, popular ; and the great leaders ef opposition 
in disgrace.-»««><«^«*The most considerable part of the 
nobility, justices, gentry, and clergy of flic county 
ef Essex, at the assizes^ held July 1% 1661, addressed 
tlie king to the fellowittg terms : ** In a time whim^ by 
wieked plots mai conspiracies, aiiti:4iionarchioal priflh 
ctples and doctrines, taught by dlt papists, and odiers 
infiuefliced by them^ ii^ cofmatiidc* m4 piivaitt meet-' 


were given up to pleasure the court, or else 

ings : when, by libels and seditious pamphlets^ en- 
deavours are made to. poison your subjects, defame 
your government, to the endangierigg your majesty's 
person, with the disturbance of the peace of the king- 
dom : when, under pretence of liberty of conscience, 
the Church of England, our mother (in doctrine, dis- 
cipline, and worship, the best and nearest to the primi- 
tive institution), is set at naught, slighted, and reviled : 
when busy men will stretch beyond their last, impose 
their crude results of their common councils on your 
majest}'^, and forget your most gracious act of oblivion: 
w^ cannot but be very apprehensive, and fear (for how 
can we doubt the design, when men tread the same 
paths, and offend again on the same wicked principles?) 
« revolution of those extream miseries which Almighty 
God, in his mercy to the nation, by his own imme- 
diate hand, in the happy miraculous restoration of your 
majesty, delivered us from. That, therefore, your 
majesty may be the better enabled to protect and^. de- 
fend our religion by law established ; the mischiefs we 
justly fear may (as much as in us lies) be prevented; 
your majesty's sacred person, your just rights and pre- 
rogatives, the succession of your imperial crown to 
your lawful heirs, according to the known laws of this 
kingdom, preserved ; and the persons, estates, liberties, 
and lives of your good subjects, be safe from arbitrary 
government, which your majesty resolves against; we 
present your majesty, and beseech you to accept, the 
tender of our- hearts and hands, lives and fortunes^." 
"-i In this strain was his majesty complimented, al- 
most by the whole kingdom, on bis declaration: and 

* Gazette, N9. 163«. A 

CHARLES II. ' 323 

declared forfeited, for very idle, insufficient, 

the same things were repeated, even in higher strains, 
on the association, found among Shaftesbury's papers ; 
as the curious reader may find by turning to the Ga- 
zettes of the years 1681 and 1682. These addresses 

gave spirit to the court, and determined it to humble a 
city that had dared so boldly to act counter to its 
designs. The bills against Shaftesbury (who, from an 
infamous minister, had turned a violent anti-courtier; 
and took on him to guide men much hone^er, though 
weaker, than himself), Colledge, and Rouse, being re- 
turned ignoramus, and perhaps very justly, by grand 
juries, impannelled by the sheriffs of London and Mid- 
dlesex, provoked the court; who, from that moment,^ 
saw that nothing favourable was to be expected: iknd 
therefore, having a lord mayor, Moore, at their bedl^ 
they contrived a method of getting one sheriff, at leasts 
to their mind, by his lordship's assistance. According- 
ly, his lordship pretended a right (for many years dis- 
used, whatever the old practice may have been) to no- 
inmate one of the sheriffs by drinking to him. The 
citizens were alarmed at the claim, and refused to 
submit to it. But the court being^bent on the matter> 
it was carried, though with much opposition. This 
did not satisfy however. The magistrates of London, 
by charter, were, notwithstanding, in the choice of the 
city. This was a power hated by the administration, 
and therefore to be struck at. Accordingly, a quo war- 
ranto was brought against the charter; which, af%er 
much time, was condemned, and the city deprived of 
its privileges : so that the court had now the whole 
government of the metropolis in its hands, and none 
could make the least opposition. Thus were its views 
accomplished* Sprat, speaking of the ignoramus jm\es^ 


or taluatifiable reasons, in spite of nil Ui^ 

fftya, ^^ His majesty foreseeing Ik)w de«tr«otiv€, in 

im^, tbQ effects of $o great and growing a miscbiaf 

would be ; resolved at lengthy after many intolerable 

provocationsy fto strike at that which be bad now 

fonnA tQ be the very root of the faction. This hi» 

majesty, and all wiae and good men, perceived conUi 

W no otherways done, tban» first, by reducing th^ 

jjjjf ^lecticmci of the iberiff^ of Londoa to their aniieni 

order and rulea, that of late were become only a busH 

Re69 of clamour and violence : and then to make en* 

fluiry into the validity of the city charter itself; which 

an ill party of men had abused to the danger, and 

^Vfould have done it to the destruction of the govera* 

:9IMity had they been «ufiered to go on never so little 

%Mier i}ncontroQled« In both these moat jnst and 

iweessary undertakings^ the righteousness of bis ma^ 

Jesty'i cause met with an answerable success. First, 

notwithstanding all the tumultuous riots the facliq|p 

party committed, to disturb the peaceable issue^^ 

that ajffair; yet the undoubted right of the ImI 

mayor's nominating the eldest sheriff, was restored 

and established i and so the administration of justice 

QBoe more put in a way of being cleared fifom paftiar 

Jity and corruption. And then a due judgmeal was 

obtaiBed, by an equal process of law, againal the 

jeharter itself, and ita franchises declared forfeited to 

his majesty *,"■*— If the reader asks the grounda of so 

extraordinary a judgment ; be may know, that they 

vere> exacting tolls in their markets illegally; a»dy 

particularly, raising money for rebuilding Chaapside 

conduit ;-i^ and framing and printing a scandalous 

^ Wki^ty •£ the Hontf C«iit{URaffT, p. S. fai Uad. 16ai« 


arguments made use of, by the most able 

petitioD^ wherein they charged the king with obdtract* 
ing the justice of the nation, by proroguing the last 

Westminster parliament. After thfe judge had 

pronounced the opinion of the court, he particularly 
declared, by the king's express command, that judg-* 
ment should not be entered till his majesty^s pleasure 
was further known *. This was not long delayed : for 
the lord mayor, aidermen, and citizens, having peti-^ 
tioned his majesty for favour and compassioa: they 
were assured, that his majesty would not reject tbeit 
suit, provided they submitted to bis majesty's regula^ 
tions. These were, indeed, of very hard digestion t 
for, as I have intimated above, the power of chusing 
their magistrates was taken away from the cityattd 
placed in the crown, where it abode till the RevOtlO^ 

tioB. We may well suppose the city thought itMlf 

hardly dealt by: but they were told, '^ Nothing U 
taken away from the city but what they are the safer 
and the happier for, if they will but understand theit 
own advantage : and, effectually, it is not liberty that 
IS now the question, but confusion. The point, ia 
short, is this : The charter's forfeited, and his majesty 
is willing to remit that forfeiture, saving only to him<^ 
self the exercise of those powers, without which he 
learves himself at the mercy of his enemieitj and his 
friends a prey and a scorn to a faction* But a)) that 
may be beneficial to the citizens, as a body incorpo* 
rate, under the regulation of the law and the civil 
governmetit : all this I say his majesty leaves still to tb^ 
city, upon such conditions only as are of absolute ne- 
cessity fov the conservation of the fubiit pf^ce^."-^ 

* See Ecbard, vol. III. p. 672, ^ UEsttange Observator, No. 363^ 

)See also Nortb'« Jiaatam, p. Sld«-4d9. 


lawyers, to the contrary : they were, I say. 

Some few corporations had surrendered their charters 
before this judgment: but after it, they almost all did 
it : to the joy of the court, who now were in a fair 
way to accomplish the long and deep-laid design of 
arbitrary power. " His majesty cannot here for- 
bear/' says a court writer and advocate, " to let the 
world know what entire satisfaction he has taken in 
one special testimony of his subjects affections; 
whence, through Gods gracious providence, the mo- 
narchy has gained a most considerable advantage, by 
means of this very conspiracy [the Rye-house] : and it 
is, that so great a number of the. cities, and corpora- 
tions of this kingdom, have since so freely resigned 
their local immunities and charters into his majesty's 
hands; lest the abuse of any of them should again 
heKafter prove hazardous to the just prerogatives of 
the crown. This his majesty declares he esteems as 
the peculiar honor of his reign ; being such, as none 
of all his late royal predecessors could have promised 
to themselves, or hoped for. Wherefore his majesty 
thinks himself more than ordinarily obliged to con- 
tinue, as he has hitherto begun, to shew the greatest 
moderation and benignity in the exercise of so great a 
trust : resolving, upon this occasion, to convince the 
highest pretenders to the commonweal, that as the 
crown was the first original, so it is still the surest 
guardian of all the peoples lawful rights and privi- 
leges *." Such was the language of a right reverend 

sycophant, who had been the panegyrist of Cromwell; 
and, after the Revolution, had the wisdom to take care 
of his spiritual powers and temporal revenues ! Well 

* Sprat's Accoant of the C!oiispijracy, p. 164. 

CHARLES ir. 329 

declared forfeited by corrupt and infamous ^* 

worthy must such a man be of belief, when declaring 
the good intentions of such a monarch! 

** Corrupt and infamous judges.] Whoever con- 
siders the sentences past in the courts of justice in the 
latter end of this reigu, will naturally imagine, that 
care was taken to fill the bench with proper instru- 
ments to execute every purpose the administration had 
in view. Great complaints were made, in the house of 
commons, of their behaviour; and it is well known^ 
that resolutions for the impeachment of Scroggs, Jones^ 
and Weston, were made by the house of commons in 
1680. — Mr. Booth, in the house, speaking on this occa- 
sion, said, " Let any one deny, if he can, whether 
our judges have not transgressed i Has not justice been 
sold or perverted f witness the acquittal of Sir George 
Wakeman, Sir Thomas Gascoines, and Mrs. Cellier. 
Has not justice been denied ? witness the abruptdismiss- 
ing of the grand jury, when an indictment was to have 
been given in to have proved the duke of York a papist ; 
and to prevent that great service to the nation, the jury 
was dismissed, notwithstanding they had several other 
bills of indictment in their hands : by which justice was. 
not only delayed, but denied. And how many instances 
more are there of this kind f Nay, the contagion has 
spread so far ; that it is more difficult to find a case 
without these, or some of them, than to produce mul- 
titudes of cases where justice has been sold, denied, or 
delayed. So that our judges have been very corrupt 
and lordly; taking bribes and threatning juries and 
evidence; perverting the law to the highest degree; 
turning the law upside down, that arbitrary power may 
come in upon their shoulders. The cry of their unjust 
dealings is great^ for every man has felt their hand r 


or unjustifiable reasons, in spite of all the 

eftya, ^^ His majesty foreseeing Ik)w destructive, in 

Xm^, tb^ effects of $o great aod growing a miscbief 

would be ; resolved at lengthy after many intolerable 

provocations, fto strike at that which be bad now 

foaad tQ be the v^y root of the faction. This hia 

majeaty, and all wiae and good men, perceived couUi 

W no otherways done, than, first, by reducing th^ 

^lecticms of the sheriffs of Londoa to their aatienl 

order aqd rules, that of late were become only a busH 

Re69 of clamour and violence : and then to make en* 

fluiry into the validity of the city charter itself; wluch 

an ill party of men had abused to the danger> and 

^Vfould have done it to the destruction of the govern* 

"^fmU had they been tufiered to go on never so little 

%brtker uncontrouled. In both these moat jnst and 

imessary undertakings, the righteousness of bis ma^ 

Jesty's cause met with an answerable success. First, 

notwithstanding all the tumultuous riots the facliqvi 

party committed^ to disturb the peaceable issue- nf 

that affair; yet the undoubted right of the laid 

mayor's nominating the eldest sheriff, was festored 

and established ; and so the administration of justice 

onoe more put in a way of being cleared from paftiar 

Jity and corruption. And then a due judgment was 

nbtained, by an equal process of law, againal the 

charter itself, and ita franchises declared forfeited to 

his Hiajesty *,"-r--If the reader asks the grounda of so 

extraordinary a judgment ; he may know, tjnat they 

were, exacting tolls in their markets illegally; ads4, 

particularly, raising money for rebuilding Chaapside 

conduit ;-i^ and framing and printing a scandalous 

^ muty^ Af the Hontf Cmmgk&ij', p. I« M. Und. 16ft$. 



merits of court vengeance by inflicting, on 

ing of Scroggs for high treason, allowed, " that be 
was not fit for bis place^ nor eyer was ; and bad done 
crimes fit for great piinishmefit *." " North," Burnet 
observes, '^ bad parts turned to craft ; and was thought 
to mean ill, even when be did well ^." That be, pro» 
bablj, was a bad man, ii,]$ivideneed by his favour in 
such a court : and his various promotions from it in 
his profession : the great friendship in which he lived 
with Lauderdale : the hand he had in the procUunation 
against petitioning for the sitting of pailiazn^nt, for 
which he was in danger of being impeached : from bis 
behaviour at Colledge's trial ; in the business of the 
sheriffs, and of the charter of the city of London, and ■ 
many other particulars ; which, though applauded by 
bis biographer, will transmit his name with dishonovur 
to posterity .'•^Witbens was, confessedly, a mean man; 
and promoted merely for his servility. — Pembcrtcoi^ 
and Saunders, though of considerable abiUtieSi weie 
eminent for their vices ; and studc not at any means of 
gratifying those who employed tbem^.-^*-6ut Jefferies 
exceeded all in his zeal to the court, and bis enmity to 
such as opposed it. We have his portrait drawn by 
different bands; but there is not one but is odious and 
disagreeable. — Mr. Booths in the aboves:itad speecbj 
speaking of him when chief justice of Chester, sai^ 
^ Sir Geoige Jefferiea, I must ^ay, bcbavad himself 
more like a jack-'pvddii^ than with that gravity that * 
becomes a judge. He was mig:htj witty upon the 
prisoners at the bar : he was very full of his jokes upoai 
people that came to give evidence ; aot snaring them 

■ Grey's Debates, vol. VIII. p. 242, 243. *» Burnet, vol. I. p. 532. 

! aM their Charaoters uk North's l^ of QuU4focd. p. 222—226. 


such as weredisagreeable, most arlnliary and 

to declare what they had to say in their own way and 
method ; but would interrupt them, because they be- 
haved themselves with more gravity than he : and, in 
truth, the people were strangely perplexed, when they 
were to give in their evidence ; but I do not insist up- 
on this, nor upon the late hoonhe kept up and down our 
city. It's said, he was every night drinking till two 
o'clock, or beyond that time : and that he went to his 
chamber drunk: but. this I have only from common 
tkme; for I was not in his company. I bless God, I 
am not a man of his principles or behaviour. But in 
the mornings he appeared with the symptoms of a man 
that, over night, had taken a large cup. But that 
which I have to say is the complaint of every man, 
especially of them who had any law-suits. Our chief 
justice has a very arbitrary power in appointing the 
assize when he pleases : and this man has strained it to 
the highest point. For whereas we were accustomed 
to have two assizes ; the first about April or May, the 
latter about September ; it was this year, the middle 
(as I remember) of August before we had any assize : 
and then he dispatched business so well, that he left 
half the causes untryed ; and, to help the matter, has 
resolved, that we shall have no more assizes this year V 
It may be supposed, that JefFeries did not forget this 
speech, when he sat in judgment as lord steward on 
Delamere,' and behaved towards him in his wonted 
brutal manner. Burnet assures us, '^ all people were 
apprehensive of very black designs when they saw 
JefFeries made lord chief justice; who was scandalously 
vitious, and was drunk every day : besides a drunken- 

* Delamere's Works, p. 143. 


excessive fines, for comparatively very small 

ness of fury in his temper, that looked like enthusiasm. 
He did not consider the decencies of his post : nor did 
he so much as affect to appear impartial, as became a 
judge ; but run out, upon all occasions, into declama- 
tions that did not become the bar, much less the bench. 
He ivas not learned in his profession: and his elo- 
quence^ though vitiously copious, yet was neither cor- 
rect nor agreeable*." North's picture of the man 

the reader, perhaps, will not think more amiable. , 
" His friendship and conversation," says he, " lay 
much among the good fellows and humourists : and 
his delights were, accordingly, drinking, laughing, 
singing, kissing, and all the extravagances of the 
bottle. He had a sett of banterei-s, for the most part, 
hear him : as, in old time, great men kept fools to make 
them merry. And these fellows, abusing one ^pother 
and their betters, were a regale to him. And no friend- 
ship or dearness could be so great in private, which he 
would not use ill and to an extravagant degree in pub- 
lic. No one, that had any expectations from him, was 
safe from his public contempt and derision : which 
some of his minions, at the bar, bitterly felt. Those 
above, or that could hurt or benefit him, and none else, 
might depend on fair quarter at his hands. When he 
was in temper, and matters indifferent came before him, 
he became his seat of justice better than atay other I 
ever saw in his place. He took a pleasure in mortify- 
ing fraudulent attornies, and would deal forth his seve- 
rities with a sort of majesty. He had extraordinary 
natoral abilities; but little acquired, beyond what 
practi()e in affairs had su|p(>lied. He talked fluently, 

f Burnet, vol. L p« 567. 

.v.<L. ..»»- .^^ ^, .. .^» .\' ■*.-.. ■ i^'i,-^-* ■:■■•■ 



and trifling offences ^\ — And, to fill up tlid 

and with spirit ; and his weakness was^ that he could 
not reprehend without scolding ; and in such Billings^ 
gate langut^e as should not come out of the mouth ot 
any n»an. He called it giving a lick with the rough 
side of his tongue. It was ordinary to hear him say^ 
Go : you are a filthy, lousy, knitty rascal : with mnch 
inore of like elegance. Scarce a day passed that h« 
did not chide some one or other of the bar, when he sat 
in chancery: and it was, commonly, a lectore of a 
quarter of an hour long. And they used to say, This 
is yours ; my turn will he to-morrow. He seenved to 
lay nothing of his business to heart, nor care what b€ 
did or left undone ; and spent, in the chancery couri^ 
what time he thought fit to spare. Many times, oft 
days of causes, at his house, the company have waited 
five hours in a morning, and, after eleven, be bath^ 
oome out inflamed and staring like one distracted. 
And that visage he pat on when he animadverted 0{^ 
on such as he took oflence at, which made him a terror 
to real offenders; whom he also terrified with his {sum 
and voice, as if the thunder of the day of judgment 
broke over their beads : and nothing ever made men. 
tremble like his vocal inflictions. He loved to insult) 
and was bold without check : but that only when his 
place was uppermost V'—— -A fine justiciary this I 
worthy, indeed, of tike masters he served ; and abund* 
antly qualified to execute all their designs !-*--^FroiB 
jmc^ judges, what had not the public^ the honest part 
of the public, to expect ? 

^Excessive fines were inflicted for comparatively 
small offences.] After the sheriffs and charter (tf Lob'^ 

of QuiUfoid, p. 919. 


I measure of the iniquities of tiiis reagn, some 

don came under the power of the crown, it was de- 
termined to make those smart who bad oppoaed iu 
ineasnrcs. As the judges were sure cards, Dotbing hut 
fropev jaries were requisite: and these were soon 
foand out by the sheriffs, whose otEce it was to return 
them. "These juries," according to Bnmet, "became 
the sbame of the nation, as well as a reproach to reli- 
gion : for they were paclst ; and prepared to bring in 
verdicts as they were directed, and not as matters ap- 
peared on the evidence'." However this was, certain 
it is, the judges availed themselves of their rerdicts; 
and, in consequence of them, inflicted mast heavy 
penalties on such as were prosecuted at the suit of the 
crown. — PilkingCoii, late sberifFof the city, on very 
doubtful evidence, was convicted of reflecting on the 
duke of York as one concerned in the burning of Lon- 
don, and fined lOO.OOtW. " -Mr. Hampden, for a 

htgli misdemeanour, was fined 40,000^, and committed 

till paid'. Mr. Braddon, and Mr. Speke, for 

saying iwd Essex was murdered when tlie king was in 
the Tower, had one %av)(. and the other l,iyOOl. im- 
posed on them; were to find sureties for good beha- 
viour during life; and to be committed till they per- 
formed it"*. In 1^4, ttieduJteof York having brought 
an action agaiust Titus Gates, grounded upon the sta- 
tute tie sc«««?a/M magitatum, for ciilling him traitor, the 
defendant suffered judgment to go against him by 
defeult: whereupon a writ of inquiry was taken out, 
directed to the sheritf of the (wunty of Middlesex, to 
tnquire by a jury what damages the plaintiff had sus- 

' M. iWd. ' See his Trial, 


of the best men, and best patriots^% that 

tained hereby ; and, apon a motion made in the court 
of King's Bench^ a day was given to the defendant to 
shew cause why that writ should not be executed. 
But Oateg, knowing the times, and with whom he had 
to do, neglected it, as thinking it would be to no pur- 
pose. Whereupon the writ on the given day was 
executed ; and the jury gave the duke 100/XX)/. da- 
mages, and twenty shillings costs*. This effectually 

secured Oates for future vengeance. Mr. Outton 

Colt had been assessed in the like sum, for scandalous 
words, against his royal highness, some time before. 
Sir Samuel Barnardiston, for writing some letters 
to a friend, in which honourable mention was made of 
lord Russell and Mr. Sidney, who had been put to death 
by the government, and some account given of court 
transactions, was, on an information by the attorney-^ 
general in the court of King's Bench, convicted, and 
condemned to pay a fine of 10,000/. to the king; find 
sureties for his good behaviour during life, and com- 
mitted till it was paid and done^. Numberless 

other convictions there were of a like kind with these; 
which, as they are to be found in our general histories, 
I here omit : these being abundantly sufficient to shew 
what revenge was pursued, and what instruments were 
made use of, to crush those who had any way disgusted 
Charles, his brother, or his ministers I May England 
never see such times again ! 

^^ Some of the best men, and best patriots, were 
condemned, and executed, out of a spirit of revenge.] 
Those who are conversant in English history, will 
easily guess, that lord Russel and Algernon Sidney are 

* Gates's Trial, Lend. 1684. ^ Barnardiston's Trial, JLond. 1684. 


CHARLES 11. 337 

adorned the age, were tried, condemned, 

more particularly meant by this description. Thej 
were both^ confessedly, men of virtue, probity, and in- 
tegrity; and the latter had capacity and knowledge 
sufficient to have qualified him for legislator in any re- 
public in the most ancient tuiief. Tbe principles of 
both these men, though different, wiens wry obnoxious 
to the court. Their spotless masnlers; their uncorrupt 
hands; their hatred of popery; and opposition to ty- 
ranny ; were matters of dread, and reproach, to those , 
who ruled in such corrupt times: and nothing could 
be more pleasing, to such wretches, than to find an oc- 
casion of cutting them off under the notion of male- 
factors. The story of what was called, the Rye-house 
Plot, is well known : the measures of administration 
had alarmed men : and those who could not see, were 
capable of feeling that matters were but t)adly ma- 
naged; and, probably, would be still worse. This 
gave occasion to much talk; to many projects; and 
expressions very extravagant and wicked. For amidst 
a number of men it cannot be, but there will be fools 
and knaves among them. That there were many very 
idle and ridiculous discourses concerning taking off the 
king, and the duke, in clubs and meetings; many 
foolish things talked of, by warm and zealous joieti in 
their cups ; is too certain to be denied: but trat there 
were any formed designs, any proper preparations, 
though sworn by many witnesses, is much to be doubt- 
ed. The best evidence we have, for the reality of the 
plot, arises from the confessions of Walcot, Rouse, and 
Hone, at their executions; for Holloway's hopes of 
life, I think, in some measure weakens his assertions. 

-Let. us attend then to these.— -Captain Walcot 

said, ^^ I confess I was so unfortunate and unhappy as 

VOL. V. z 


and. executed, out of revenge fof past ac-^. 

to be invited, by cplonel Rumsey (one of the wit- 
nesses against me)^ to some meetings: where sorae^ 
thing was discoursed of in order to the asserting our 
liberties and properties, which we looked upon to be. 
violated and invaded. But it was he and Mr^ West^ 
and some gentlemen that are ^ed, who wer^ the great 
promoters of these ineetipgs. I was n^r a quarter of 
^ year ill of tbe,£oat; and, during that time, Mr. 
West often visited i|ie,, and still his discourse would be 
concerning lopping the two sparks; that was the .word 
he used, n;ieaniHg the king and the duke, and proposed 
it might be done at a play: for, he said, then they 
Would dye in their calling: it w;a$ his very expression. 
He bought arms to do it with, without any direction of 
mine. I aever saw the arms; nor I never saw the men 
that were $0 do it: though, they said, they had fifty 
employed to that end. I told several of them, that the 
killing the king would carry such a blemish and stain 
with it, as would descend to posterity: that I had eight 
children that I was loath should be blemished with i,t : 
and, withal, I was confident the duke of Monmouth 
would revenge his fathers blood, if it were but to vin- 
dicate himself from having any hand in it. Mr. West 
presently told me, that the duke of Monmouth did not 
refuse to give an engagement that he would not punish 
those that should kill the king*." Hone, a pimple 
weak man, said, " he was drawn in and ensnared. For," 
added he, *' I was never at any of their meetings, any 
of their cabals ; but in a public coffee-house or taverp, 
where they discoursed the matter of fact : and I was to 

* Speeches of Russell, W^alcot, Rou«ie, and Hone ; publisbod by order of 
the Sheriiis. foL Lond. July ^1, 1683. 


tions, or fear of opposition from thetn fot 

meet the king and duke of York ; but I did not kpoW 
at that time when, or where, or whaf was mybusiness*." 
-— = — Rouse declared, " he had been in clubs, where it 
had been in discourse to accommodate Monmouth« 
That there was a design," continues he,'** to set up the 
duke of Monmouth, I will not say ."while Ae king 
reigns; though some extravagant hot-headed men 
have taken upon them to discourse these things, but 
not any worthy man. I know those, that were worthy 
to be called by that name, have de(^lared> in my hear- 
ing, that, in opposition to the duke of York, if the 
king be seized, they would stand by the duke of Mon- 
mouth ^i"—« ^AU this looks nothing like a day ap- 

pointed> and measures taken, for assassinations ; as was 
sworn hy many of the witnesses. But, be this ai^it 
may, it was not in the company of those, who uttered 
such things, that Sidney or Russell were to be founds 
They were too knowing, too cautious for this. Un- 
happily^ however, they mixed with bad men; such as 
ShaftesDury, Grey, and Howard: the last of which 
turned evidence against them, and was a principal in 

their destruction. On the testimony of Rumsey, 

lord Russell was taken up, examined, committed, and 
tried, July 13, 1683> for high treason. The event is 
well known. The jury, picked out for the purpose^ 
found him guilty j and his majesty would shew him no 

mercy. What were Russell's transgressions in 

point of law, will be best learnt from the paper he de- 
livered to the sheriffs, on the day of his execution, on 
the scaffold. *' I have always loved my countily 

* Speeches of RusseU, Walcot, Roase, and TUktr, pnblishad byofM W 
the Sheriffi. fuL Lond. J\x\y2l, 1683. ^. Ifoid. 



the future. Thus did his majesty reign 

much more/' says he, '* than my life ; aod never had 
any design of changing the government, which I va- 
lue, and look upon as one of the best governments in 
the world ; and would always have been ready to ven- 
ture my lifi^ for the preserving it; and would have suf- 
fered any extMbity, rather than have consented to any 
design to CBike away the kings life: neither ever had 
man the impudence to propose so base and barbarous 
a thing to me. And I look upon it as a very unhappy 
and uneasy part of my present condition, that in my 
indictment there should be so much as mention of so 
vile a fact; though nothing in the least was said to 
prove any such matter, but the contrary, by the lord 
Howard : neither does any body, I am confident, be- 

lSC*e the least of it." " As to the conspiring to seize 

the guards,*' says he, " which is the crime for which I 
am condemned, and which was made a constructive 
treason for taking away the kings life, to bring it with- 
in the Statute of Ed. III. I shall give this t|pe and 
clear account : I never was at Mr. Sheppards with that 
company but once, and there was no undertaking then 
of securing or seizing the guards, nor none appointed 
to viewer examine them. Some discourse there was 
of the feasibleness of it ; and several times by accident, 
in general discourse, elsewhere, I have heard it men- 
tioned as a thing might easily be done, but never con- 
sented to as fit to be done. And I remember, particu- 
larly, at my lord Shaftesburys, there being some gene- 
ral discourse of this kind, I immediately flew out and 
exclaimed against it; and asked. If the thing succeed- 
ed, what must be done next, but massacring the guards, 
and killing them ^hi cold blood ? which I lookt upon 
as so detestable a thing, and so like a popish practice, 

- r: 


CHARLES IL 4!(|y| 

triumphantly over law, justice, and equity ; 

that I could not bat abhor it. And, at the same tmie^ 
th^ duke of Monmouth took me by the hand,, and told 
me, Tery kindly. My lord, I see you and I are of a tem- 
per, did you ever hear of so horrid a thing? As to 

my going to Mr. Shepherds, I went with an intention 
ta taste sherry, for he had promised me to reserve for 
me the next very good piece he met with, when I went 
«ut of town: and, if be recollects, be may remember, 
I asked bim about it, and he went and fetched £| 
V>ttle ;. but when I tasted it, I said, 'twas hot in the 
mouth, and desired, that whenever he met with a 
choice piece he would keep it for me, which he pro- 
mised. I enlarge the more upon this> because Sir 
George Jefferies insinuated to the j^ury, as. if I had ma4j^ 
a story about going thither ; but I never said, that wm 
the only reason ; and I will now truly and plainly add 
the rest. I was, the day before this meeting, come 
to town for two or three days ; as I had done once or 
twice before, having a very near and dear relation ly* 
ing in a very languishing and desperate condition : an() 
the duke of Monmouth came to me, and told me, he 
was extreamly glad I was come to town ; for my lord 
Shaftesbury, and some hot men, would undo us alL 
And how so, my lord ? I said. Why (answered he) 
they'^ll certainly do sopae disorderly thing or other, if 
great care be not taken ; and therefore, fpr Gods sake, 
use your endeavours with your friends to prevent any 
thing of this kind* He told me, there would be com* 
pany at Mr. Shepherds that night ; and desired me ta 
be at home in the evening, and he would call me, 
which he did : and, when I came into the room, I savr 
Mr. Rumsey by the chimney, though be swears he 
came in after; and there were thii;igs said by somt 



jH* the life of 

lud, with sceptre of iron, break down such 

with much more heat than judgmenty which I did saf- 
ficiently disapprove ; and yet for these things I stand 
condemned. But^ I thank God, my part was sincere, 
and well-meant. It is, I know, inferred from hence, 
and was pressed to me, that I was acquainted with these 
heats and ill designs, and did not discover them. But 
this is but misprision of treason at most. So I dye in- 
nocent of the crime I stand condemned for; and I 
hope nobody will imagine that so meaa a thought 
could enter into me, as to go about to save my life by 
accusing others. — :As for the sentence of death passed 
upon me, I cannot but think it a very hard one : for 
nothing was sworn against me (whether true or fake I 
^ will not now examine) but some discourses about 
making some stirs. And this is not levying war against 
the king, which is treason by the statute of Edward 
the Third, and not the consulting and discoursing 
about it, which was all that was witnessed against ipe. 
But, by a strange fetch, the design of seizing the guards 
was construed a design of killing the king ; and so I 
was cast. And now I have truly and sincerely told what 
my part was in that, which cannot be more than a bare 
misprision ; and yet I am condemned as guilty of a 
design of killing the king. I pray God, lay not this 
to the charge neither of the king's council, nor judges, 
nor sheriffs, nor jury: and for the witnesses, I pity 
them, and wish them well. I shall not reckon up the 
particulars wherein they did me wrong; I had rather 
their own consciences should do that, to which, and 
the mercies of God, I leave them. Only I still aver, 
that what I said of my not hearing col. Rumsey de- 
liver any message from my lord Shaftesbury, was true: 
for 1 always detested lying, tlio' never so much to my 


as were the objects of his displeasujre ! But 

advantage. And, I hope, none will be' so unjust and 
uncharitable, as to think I would venture on it in these 
my last words ; for which I am so soon to give an ac-' 
i!Ount to the great God, the searcher of hearts, and 

judge of all things." This declaration, I suppose, 

will be believed before the oaths of Shepherd, Rumsey, 
Howard, and tlie rest of the witnesses ; who were, con- 
fessedly, but bad men, and swore to keep themselves 
from the gallows. — -Lord Grey, indeed, speaking of 
the meeting at Shepherd's, says, " Monmouth, Russel, 
and himself, resolved to engage with Shaftesbury; — 
and that they discoursed the manner and time of their 
rising, and how they should get their men togelhCT*." 
— He moreover says, " there was at this time a diBcouiM, 
begun by Sir Thomas Armstrong, about viewing the 
guards at the Savoy and Mews ; which," adds he, " all 
thought necessary, but nobody was ordered to take 

that employment upon him **."— Not content with 

this, he assures us, *' there was a second meeting at 
Shepherd's ; where Sir Thomas Armstrong, and him- 
self, went firAt ; and Monmouth, and Russel, came af-* 
ter. Colonel Rumsey was not present at our first com- 
ing in," says he, " but Mr. Shepherd and Mr. Fergu- 
son were. The duke of Monmouth gave my lord Rus- 
sel, and the rest, an account of viewing the guards, 
and of the careless posture he found them in ; and also 
that Mr. Trenchard's preparatibns at Taunton were sa 
backward, that he could not be ready for an insunec- 
tion *." In short, if we will believe him, lord Russell 
was intent on little else but insurrections. But na 

Secret History of the Rye-House Plot, p. 39. 8vo« Loud. 1754. 
* W. p.35. « Id. p. 38. 



faift trii9iiph was but of a short contmu* 

Stress ought to be laid on Grey's narratiT^ which was 
writy when under condemnation, to blacken Monmouth 
afiter his death, and the friends of Monmouth, to please 
the king, and add fresh evidence to what the court had 
got to justify very barbarous proceedings. His charac- 
ter^ his private character, alone, is enough to take off 
all force from his assertions. But were they ever so 
true, they prove only that he was guilty of some dis- 
courses about making some stirs; which was not, could 
not be treason : and, consequently, when put to death 
for them, he was, as he himself expresses it, *^ killed 
by forms and subtilties of law; which is the worst 

sort of murder*'' Sydney's case was, if possible, still 

harder. ;He himself shall relate it^ and no man yet 
haBf no man, I presume, will call in question the truth 
of his narrative. In his petition to the king, he shew- 
eth, ^^ That he was brought to his tryal ; and the in- 
dictment being perplexed and confused, so as neither 
he, nor any of his friends that heard it, could fully 
comprehend the scope of it; he was wholly unprovided 
of all the helps that the law allows to ev^ man for his 
defence. Whereupon he did again ^ desire a copy, and 
produced an authentic copy of the statute of 46 Ed- 
ward III. whereby it is enacted, that every man shall 
have a copy of any record that touches him in any 
manner, as well that which is for or against the king, 
as any other person ; but could neither obtain a copy 
of his indictment, nor that the statute should be read. 
The jury, by which he was tryed, was not (as be is in- 
formed) summoned by the bailiffs of the several hun- 

' He had desired it on bis arFaigntnenty which was a fortnight before 
big trial. 


ance : he was seized with a violent fit of 

dredft in the usual and legal manner ; but names were 
agreed upon^ by Mr. Graham and the under sheriiF, and 
directions given to the bayliffs to summon them : and 
being all so chosen, a copy of the pannel was of na 
use to him. When they came to be called^ he except* 
ed against some, for being the kings servants; many 
others, for not being freeholders ; and others, were 
lend and infamous persons, not fit to be of any jury. 
But all was over-ruled by the lord chief "justice; and 
Mr. Sydney was forced to challenge them peremptorily, 
whom he found to be pickt out as most suitable to the 
intentions of those who sought his ruin ; whereby he 
lost the benefit allowed him by law of making his ex- 
ceptions, and was forced to admit of mechanick per- 
sons utterly unable to judge of such a matter as wa» 
brought before them. This jury being sworn, no wit- 
ness was produced who fixed any thing beyond hearsay 
upon him, except the lord Howard, and them that 
swore to some papers said to be found in his house 

and written in a hand like bis. Sydney produced 

ten witnesses, most of them of eminent quality, the 
others of unblemished fame, to shew the lord Howards 
testimony was inconsistent with what he had declared 
before (at the tryal of the lord Russel) under the same 
religious obligation of an oath, as if it had been legally 
administered. He further endeavoured to shew, that 
besides the absurdity and incongruity of his testimony^ 
he being guilty of many crimes which he did not pre- 
tend Sydney had any knowledge of, and having no 
other hope of pardon than by the drudgery of swear- 
ing against hun, he^leserved not to be believed. And 
similitude of hands could be no evidence, as was (de- 
clared by the lord chief justice Keiling, and the whole 




an apoplexy, as it was said, which, after 


court, in the lady Carr's case ; so as that no evidence 
at all remained against him. He moreover observed, 
that, whosoever wrote those papers, they were bat 
a small part of a polemical discourse, in answer to 
a book written, about thirty years ago, upon general 
propositions ; applied to no time, nor any pariicitlar 
case: that it was impossible to judge of any part of it, 
unless the whole did appear, which did not: that the 
sense of such parts of it as were produced, could not 
lie comprehended unless the whole had been read, 
which was denied : that the ink and paper shewed 
them to be writ many years ago: that the lord How- 
ard not knowing of them, they could have no concur* 
rence with what he [Sydney] was said to have designed 
with him [Howard] and others : that the confusion 
and errors in the writing, shewed they had never been 
so much as reviewed ; and being written in an hand 
that no man could well read, they were not fit for the 
press ; nor could be in some years, though the writer 
of them had intended it, which did not appear. But 
they being only the present crude and private thoughts 
of a man, for the exercise of his own understanding in 
his studies, and never shewed to any or applied to any 
{^articular case, could not fall under the statute of 
fi5 Edward 111. which takes cognizance of no such 
matter, and could not by construction be brought un- 
der it; such matters being thereby reserved to the par* 
hament, as is declared in the proviso, which he desired 
might be read, but was refused. Several important 
points of law did hereupon emerge ; upon which Syd- 
ney did desire council might be heard, or they might 
be referred to be found specially ; but all was over- 
ruled by the violence of the lord chief justice [Jcf- 

•' ^\ CHARLES II. 347 

foto 4«g^5 terminated in his death, on the 

feries] ; and Sydney so frequently interrupted, that the 
whole method of his defence was broken, and he not 
suflFered to say the tenth part of what he could have 
alleged in his defence : so the jury was hurried into a 

verdict they did not understand*." We need but 

turn to the trial of this unfortunate gentleman, pub- 
lished by thp authority of JefFeries himself, to be con- 
vinced of the truth of what he has here written. 

I will transcribe a paragraph from the papers produced 
in evidence against him, that the reader may see whdt 
wretches those must have been that condemned bira. 

^ '* When pride," says the writer, ''had changed 

Nebuchadnezzar into a beast, what should perswade 
the Assyrians not to drive him out among beasts, until 
God had restored to him the heart of a man ? When 
Tarquin had turned the legal monarchy of Rome into 
a most abominable tyrauny; why should they not 
abolish it ? And when the protestants of the Low 
Countries were so grievously oppressed by the power 
of Spain, under the proud, cruel, and savage conduct 
of the duke of Alva ; why should they not make use 
of all the means, that God hhd put into their hands, 
for their deliverance? Let any man, who sees the 
present state of the provinces that then united them- 
selves, judge whether it is better for them to be as 
they are, or in the condition unto which his fury 
would have reduced them, unless they had, to please 
him, renounced God and their religion. Our author 
{Filmer] may say, they ought to have suffered. The 
king of Spain, by their resistance, lost those countries ; 

* Sidney's Apology in the Day of bis Death, p. 191. anong his Works. 
1^ Xdit 1763. . 

■ t 



348 THE LIFE OF ■ .^ % 

sixth day of February, one thomBffl^^lti.x 

and that they ought not to have been Judges in their 
own case. To which I answer^ that, by resisting^ they 
laid the foundation of many churches, that have pro- 
duced multitudes of men eminent in gifta and graces; 
and established a most glorious and happy common- 
wealth, that hath been, since its first beginning,, the 
strongest pillar of the protestant cause now in the 
world ; and a place of refuge unto those wbo> in all 
parts of Europe, have been oppressed for the name of 
Christ : whereas they had slavishly, and, I think I 
may say wickedly as well as foolishly, suffered themr 
selves to be butchered, if they had left those empty 
provinces uqder the power of Anti-christ, where the 
name of God is no otherwise known than to be blas^ 
phemed. If the king of Spain desired to keep bis 
subjects, he should have governed them with more 
justice and mercy : when, contrary unto all laws both 
humane and divine, he seeks to destroy those he ought 
to have preserved ; he can blame none but himself, if 
they deliver themselves from his tyranny: and when 
the matter is brought to that, that he must not retgn^; 
or they, over whom he would reign, must perish, the 
matter is easily decided ; as if the question had been 
asked, in the time of Nero or Domitian^ whether they 
should be left at liberty to destroy the best part of the 
tirorld, as they endeavoured to do ; or it should be res- 
cued by their destruction i And as for the peoples 
being judges in their own case ; it is plain, they ought 
to be the only judges; because it is their own, and 

only concerns themselves*,^ Jefferies, in summing 

up the evidence, " minded the jury how this book 

• Sidney's Trial, p. 25, foL Loud, 1684.; 


• CHARLES 11. 349 

hundred and eighty-jfive, new style ; aged 

contained all the malice, revenge, and treason, that 
mankind can be guilty of Well might Sidney there- 
fore say, *' lest the mean,s of destroying the best pro- 
testants in England should fail, the bench must be 
filled with such as had been blemishes to the bar*." 

Thus the court, under the guise of law, procured the 
death of a mdn, who had escaped the hands of assassins 
employed by them to murder him ^. He could not be 
corrupted : and, therefore, must be destroyed. — • — Such 
were Charles and his ministers ! It ought moreover to 
be remembered, that their malice was not satiated by 
the death they inflicted : for the names of Russell and 
Sidney were stigmatized, in the most barbarous man* 
ner, by infamous and abandoned sycophants. JefFeries, 
on the trial of Barnardiston, observed on his letters, 

which were given in evidence, *^ Here is the saint- 

ing of two hQirid conspirators. Here is the lord Russel 
sainted, that l^wed martyr; my lord Russel, that good 
man, that excellent protestant ; he is lamented. And 
what an extmordinary man he was ; who was fairly 
tried, and justly convicted and attainted for having a 
hand in this horrid conspiracy against the life of the 
king, and his dearest brother his royal highness, and 
for the subversion of the government. And here is 
Mr. Sydney sainted : What an extraordinary man he 
was ! Yes, surely, he was a very good man : because 
you may some of you remember, or have read the his- 
tory of those times, and know what share Mr. Sydney 
had in that black and horrid villainy, that cursed trea- 
fiOQ and murder ; the murder I mean of king Charles 
the First of blessed nMnory ; a iShame to religion itself, 

* Pttper delivered to the Sberifflt.. ^ See his Apology. 

350 THE LIFE OF ♦ 

fifty-four years. The suspicions of his be-* 

a perpetual reproach to the island we live in, to think 
that a prince should be brought, by pretended methods 
of law and justice, to such an end at his own palacCi. 
And it is a shame to think that such bloody miscreants 
should be sainted and lamented, who had any hand in 
that horrid murder and treason, and who to their dy- 
ing minutes, when they were upon the brink of eternity 
and just stepping into another world, could confidently 
bless God for their being engaged in that good cause 
(as they call it), which was the rebellion, which brought 
that blessed martyr to his death. It is high time for 
all mankind, that have any Christianity, or sense of 
heaven or hell, to bestir themselves to rid the nation 
of such caterpillars, such monsters of villainy as these 

areV Sprat also characterises Russell as a person 

carried away beyond his duty and allegiance into this 
traitorous enterprise, by a vain air of popularity, and 
a wild suspicion of losing a great esta^te by an ima- 
ginary return of popery. And Sidney, according to 
him, from his youth had professed himself an enemy 
to the government of his country, and had acted ac- 
cordingly. — But the characters of both these declaiin- 
ers are at this time so well known, that no man of 
sense pays any regard to their assertions.-^After all, it 
it is not to be doubted that these great men had con- 
sulted on methods of preserving their religion and li- 
berties : though what was sworn against them concern- 
ing insurrections, seizing the guards, and assassina- 
tions, was false and groundless. It was the fear the 
guilty had of these, and men like these, that urged 
them on to so much barbarity. — After the Revolution, 

' Bamardiston's Trial, p. 29. 


acts were passed for annulling and making void the 

attainders of both these gentlemen*. The writers 

of the Biographia Britttinica, always ready to vin-^ 
dicate the worst and slander the best of men, accord- 
ing as they adhered to or opposed the cause they so 
much endeavoured to establish, the cause of civil and 
ecclesiastical tyranny, say, that Russell had, by his 
own confession, committed a crime [by being more 
than once present when the seizing the guards was 
discoursed of] which, by the known rules of law, 
amounted to treason. But by what law, except that 
of Jefieries and his fellows, I suppose, with all their 
parade of learning, and dogmatical censuring, they 
would be much at a loss to shew. The same judicious 
writers, speaking of Sidney, with equal sense and ho- 
nesty, say, " To judge by his writings, he would not 
have been sorry to have seen his country brought to 
the greatest difficulties ; nay, to destruction : that he 
might have had the pleasure of beholding his enemies 
involved in its ruins." — What must we think of men 
who write such stuif, false and foolish stuff, as this i 
Mr.Trenchard, Mr. Gordon, and the late earl of Cork, 
as is well known, besides many others equally respect- 
able, had very different notions of him and his writ- 
ings. — It may, perhaps, be wondered that I have not, 
hitherto, mentioned the death of lord Essex, in the 
Tower, where he was a prisoner, on a charge of being 
concerned in this conspiracy: but whether he mur- 
dered himself, or was murdered by others, I take not 
on me to determine. I will, however, state the argu- 
ments, on both sides, with all the impartiality I am 
master of; it being truth, simply, which an historian 
ought to have in view. 

• Collins'3 Peerage, vol. I. p. 285 ; and Memoirs of the Sidneys, p. 160, 
prefixed to the fint Tolame of the Sidney Papers, fol* Lond. 1745. 





1. ^ It gave great suspicion of his being murdered, 
as the king and the duke of ]|6rk were, at the very 
time, within the Tower, where they had not been for 
near 15 years before. And when the jury was impa- 
nel'd, and one of them insisting to see his lordships 
cloaths in which he died; the coroner was sent for, 
and, on his return, he told the jury, it was the body 
and not the cloaths they were to sit on ; and that the 
king had sent for the inquisition, and would not rise 
from the council-board till it was brought. It also 
happened on the very morning when the lord Russel 
was on his tryal, and particular care was taken to give 
immediate notice of it to the court at the Old Baily; 
and the kings council made a direct use of it to con- 
firm the plot, and thereby lord Russel was condemned. 
After the Revolution, the earls of Devonshire, Bedford, 
Monmouth, and Warrington, were appointed, by the 
house of peers, to examine into the death of Essex ; 
but made no report to the house; it being said, that, 
on the examination, it appeared so black on king 
James, that queen Mary requested it might die in 
silence *." 

2. Rapin assures us, lord Essex, son of this unfortu- 
nate nobleman, said, in his hearing, *' that he believed 
his father was murdered ; and that a French footman, 
who then served his father, was strongly suspected, and 

disappeared immediately after thefact**." This seems 

to be confirmed by the following anecdote. *^ Harry 

Guy was then secretary to the treasury, and a sure 
agent to the king, or duke, if any dirty work was to be 
done. He paid and dispersed the secret-service money, 
of which payments he kept a regular account in a book 
which is still extant, and now is (1762), or lately was, 

* Collins's Peerage, voL III. p. 376. ^ Rapines Hist. voL II. p. 729. fbl. 



in the possession of a gentleman of Chelsea, who made 
no scruple of shewing it to particular persons. In this 
book of accounts appears a minute of 500/. paid to one 
Bomini, a valet de chambre of the earl of £ssex duT'- 
ing his lords confinement in the Tower, and pie* 
vious to his death. Thi^ Bomini was never heard of 

after the earls death*." ^There was a Paul Bo* 

xnenj, servant to his lordship, who, before the coroner, 
swore, ^^ that he, looking through a chink, saw blood 
and part of a razor; whereupoA. he called a warder, and, 
went down to call for help : and the warder pushed the 
door open, and there they saw Essex all along the 
floor, without a perriwig, and all full of blood, and the 
razor by him, which razor had before been delivered 

by him to his lordship^. The same person appeared 

on the trial of Braddon, and Speke, who had given out, 
on doubtful evidence, that Essex was murdered ; and 
therefore cannot, with exactness, be said never to have 
been heard of after the earFs death : though, doubt- 
less, the sum given him was for some very particular 

3. " By many eminent doctors and chirurgions, the 
wound was thought to be naturally impossible to be 
done by Essex himself; because, upon cutting the 
first jugular artery, such an eifusion of blood and spirit 
would have immediately thereupon followed, that na- 
ture would not have been strong enough to cut through 
the other jugular artery to the neck bone on the other 
side ; much less to make so many and so large notches 

in the razor against the neck bone*." Let us now 

bear what is said on the other side of the question. 

1. ^^ As to the late earl of Essex's murdering himself, 

. . . ^ 

* Grey's Drl»tet, vtL VIJI. p. 349. in the note. ^ Braddoii** 

Innocenoy and IVuth vindicated, p^ 5. 4to. Load. 1681. , * Id. p. 99. 

VOL. v. A a 


hif majc^tj/^ says Sprat, .^ cannQt tbtnk Ubecoipesliim 
ti} detcenil to any particular justificatioii of liis own or 
fai» ministers innocency in that calamitous accident. 
Though his majesty is not ignorant^ that divers most 
malicious pamphlets have been lately spread abroad, in 
English and other.languages> vhich with an unpaia^ 
lel'd impudence, lumtiacfeesed several persons of emir 
nent virtue andfaoonr al^t his majesty, not sparing 
even his royal iiij^ini^^.iiay, scarce freeing the king 
himself from btHig pt^VMialiy conscious of so base atid 
barbarous an action; ')Bat ^fter the truth of the whole 
matter has been careftdly examined and asserted by 
the coroners inquest, whose proper business it waf ; 
and after Braddon has suffered the punishment of the 
law, for suborning even children to bear false witness 
in the case ; and after the notoriety of the fact, and all 
the circumstances of it, have been so clearly made out, 
that there is not a man in all England, of an honest 
mind or sound sense, who does in the least doubt it; 
his majesty disdains to enter into dispute with every 
petulant scribbler, or to answer the villainous sugges- 
tions and horrid calumnies contained, particularly, in 
the libel, called. The Detection, and in the Epitome of 

it, As for the deplorable end of the said earl, his 

majesty freely owns, there was no man in bis domi- 
nions more deeply afflicted with it than himself: his 
majesty having been thereby deprived of an extraordi'- 
nary opportunity to exercise his royal clemency; and 
to testify, to all his loyal subjects and old friends, how 
•highJy he valued the metnory and sufferings of the 
lord Capel. Next to himself, his majesty thinks he is 
.also bound, in common justice, to declaie, that hii 
entirely beloved brother was most tenderly concerned 
luid grieved at that lamentable effect of the earl of 
Essex's despair : his majesty being best able^> upon his 


own knowledge^ to vouch for the duke of York, thai 
be never deserved ill of the said earl, and was always 
most readily inclined, for both their fathers sakes, tQ 
have forgiven whatever ill the earl had done him *." 

2. It does not appear that Essex's brother, or his 
tady, believed that he was murdered. Sir Henry Capel 
did not want sense or spirit; and lady Essex had much 
fortitude of mind. " When she heard of the reports 
concerning the manner of her lords death, she ordered a 
strict enquiry about it ; and sent what she found to 
me," says Burnet, " to whom she had trusted all the 
messages that had past between her lord and her while 
be was in the Tower. When I perused all, I thought 
there was not a colour to found any prosecution on ; 
which she would have done, with all possible zeal, if 
she had found any appearances of truth in the matter V' 

After the Revolution, this matter came under 

examination ; and the lords of the committee, ap- 
pointed to hear and report, were such as must have hacl 
the memory of Essex in honour: but no report was 
made; and, consequently, no proofs of his murder 
appeared: for tenderness for king James had little 
place with their lordships, or his daughters* Nor was 
there,, indeed, any manner of occasion for it : they had* 
in fact, judged him a tyrant by placing his, crown oi| 
the head of another; and tyranny includes alnio^t 
every kind of wickedness, at least is equivalent in de^ 
merit to all wickedness. , What cause for ten4ernes^ 
of the reputation, of such a man i 

3. Though Braddon appears to have been an bones^ 
man^ and to have meant wiell by his enquiries into (hf 
circumstances of this unhappy ^sit ; yet were t^ieihar 



* Sprat's Accoutit of the Conspiracy, p. 145, & sai, ^ Bamcti 

toL II. p. 569^ 

4a d • 



terials he collected sometimes not absolutely to be re^ 
lied on. This appears from the following certificate^ 
published in the Gazette, after the Reyolotion, by the 
countess of Essex, and the bishop of Salisbury [Burnet}. 

" Whereas in a Letter to a Friend, written by Mr. 
Iiawrence Braddon, touching the murder of the lale 
earl of Efsex, an account is given, p. 54 & 55, of some 
discourse that the countess dowager of Essex, and the 
bishop of Salisbury, had upon that subject, at a meet- 
ing with several lords : the countess dowager, and the 
bishop, find themselves so much wronged in that rela- 
tion, that they have thought it became them to disavow 
it entirely; the whole discourse fastened on them 
being false, and nothing to that purpose having , been 
upon that occasion mentioned by either of them*. ^. 

'* July 24, 1690. E.ESSEX, GltSARUM.^ 

After this, we must not expect much reliance on 
Bxaddon's authorities. 

4. In the Diary of Henry, earl of Clarendon, we find 
these words: ** May 27 [l689], Monday, — ^In the 
afternoon, my wife and I went to Chelsea, to the 
duchess of Beaufort; whom we found alone. She 
told m€S thfe whole story, how lady Essex had sent for 
her and her lord, and all the relations, lord Bedford, 
Devonshire, bishop Burnet, and yOung Mr. Hampden, 
about the matter relating to lord Essex's death, now 
depending before the committee of lords: that she 
had declared, she believed he killed himself; and there- 
fore de3ired the business might fall. She told me^ 
Burnet and Hampden both owned the conspiracy 
against King Charles the Second. I should have been 
there if I had been in town. Brother Capel excused 

* Gazette, No. 25*79. 
• 4 


ing poisoned will be found below 

himself, pretending to be indisposed; which looked 

very odd *." The reader has now sufficient mar 

teri^Is to form a judgment of this much controverted 

** The suspicions of his being poisoned are to be 
mentijoned.] ** There were very many apparent suspi- 
cions/' says Burnet, ^' of his being poysoned: for 
though the first access looked like an apoplexy, yet it 
was plain in the progress of it that it was no apoplexy. 
When his body was opened, the physiciapis who view- 
ed it were as it were led by those who might suspect 
the truth to look upon the parts that were certainly 
sound. But both Lower and Needham, two famous 
physicians, told me, they plainly discerned twp or three 
blue spots on the outside of the stomach. Needham 
called twice to have it opened: but the surgeot]^' 
seemed npt to hear him. And when he moved it the 
second time, be, as he told me, heard Low^r say to 
one that stood next him, Needham will undo us, call- 
ing thus to have the stomach opened ; fpr he may see 
they will not do it. They were diverted to look to 
somewhat else: aqd when they retuirn^d to look upon 
the stomach, ijt wat carried away : so that it was never 
viewed. Le Fevre, a French physician, told me, he 
saw a blackness in the shoulder : upon which he made 
an incisioi), and saw it was all mortified. Short, ano- 
ther physician^ who was a papist, but after a form of 
bis own, did very much suspect foul dealing : and 
he had talked more freely pf it than any of the pro- 
testants durst do at that time. But he was not long 
after taken^uddenly ill, upon a large draught of woim- 

* Diary of Htnry, ^arl of ClarendoOj at tbt end of hit State Letten. 


^gqpious, profligate manners, introduced or 

"irdod wine, which he had drunk in the hbnse of a 
popish patiept that lived near thi§ Tower, who had 
sent for him, of wiiich he died. And, as he said to 
Lower, Viillington, and some other physicians, he be- 
lieved that he himself was poisoned for his having 
spoken so freely of the kings death. The kings hdSj 
was indecently neglected. Some parts of his inwards, 
tad some pieces of the fet, were so carelessly looked 
after, that the water being poured out at a scullery 
hole that went to a drain, in the mouth of which a 
grate lay, these were seen lying on the grate many days 
after. His funeral was very mean. He did not lie in 
state: no mournings were given: tad the expetice of 
. it was not equal to what an ordinary noblemahs funeral 
if\\l amount to. Many upon this said, that he deserv- 
Ifcd' better from his brother than to be thus ungratefully 
treated in cerenlonies that are public, and that make 
an impression on those who see them, and who will 
make severe observations and inferences upon such 
omissions. But since 1 have mentioned the suspicions 
of poison as the cause of his death; I must add, I never 
heard any lay those suspicions on his brother. But his 
dying so critically, as it were in the minute in which 
•he seemed to begin a turn of affairs, made it to be ge- 
nerally the more belreved, and that the papists had 
done it, either by the means of some of lady Ports- 
mouihs servants, or, as some fancied, by poisoned 
snuff: for so many of the small veins of the brain were 
burst, that the brain was in great disorder, and no 
judgment could be made concerning it. To this I 
shall add a very surprising story, that I had, in Novem- 
ber, 1709, from Mr. Henly of Hampshire. He told 
me, that when the duchess of Portsmouth came over 

CHARLES II. • 359 

to Eoglfiindy ia thcf ycjar 1699, he heard^ tbiat she bad 
taiked a& if king Gbarles had been poisoned: which 
he desirmg to have from her own mouth, she gave thia 
account of it: — She was always pressing the king to 
make both himself aud his people easy, and to come to 
a fali.agreement with his parliament; and he was come 
to a final resolution .of sending away his brother and of 
calling a parliament, which was to be executed the 
next day after befell into that fit of which he died. 
She was put upon the secret, and spoke of it tbno per- 
son alive but to her confessor ; but the confessor, she 
believed, told it to some, who, seeing.what wsisto fol* 
low, took that wicked course to prevent it*."--r — ritap 
pears, indeed, by some p^sages out of the duke of 
Monmouth's pocket-book> that he had assurances' of 
being taken into favour, and of the duke Qf>Yosi% 

i:em6val from court ^. However, we are to.frbterve, 

that: all the circumstances attending the death of 
Charles, aild what happened on the. inspection of his 
body, are far enough from amounting to a proof of his 
being poisoned : for, notwithstanding all of them, he 
might die merely through disease: atilifatt this is Dr. 
Wei wood's ofHtion. It must not be omitted, that the 
part of Burnet'a narrative, which he received from Mjp. 
Henly, galled the late lord Lansdown ; an able deter- 
mined friend, as far as he dared, to the Stuart family ; 
so much, as to make him speak of the bishop in terms 

very indelicate. r" The bishops bear-says," he 

observes, " are, in most cases, very doubtful. His 
historv is little else but such-a-one told such-a-one, 
and such-a-one told me. This sort of testimony," con- 
tinues he, '^ is allowed in no case; nor can the least 

* Burnet, vol. L p 609 ; and Sheffield's Works, vol. II. p. 60. 
^ Appendix to Welwood's Memoirs, No. 14b ' 

-' — "^^^'iiir"Tf^w^"^-"^=^^^"''' • - - '-" — • u.^ 


oertainty be built upon stories handed about from one 
to another, which must necessarily alter in the seTcral 
repetitions by different persons. I shall then conclude 
with one observation only upon the most important 
hear-say in his whole book, upon which the credit of 
the rest may depend. His lordship had it from Mr. 
Henly, who had it from the duchess of Portsmouth, 
that king Charles the Second was poisoned. It was 
my fortune to be residing at Paris w^hen this history 
was published. Such a particular was too remarkable 
not to raise my curiosity. The duchess was then like- 
wise at Paris. 1 employed a person, who had the ho- 
nour to be intimate with her grace, to enquire from her 
own mouth into the truth of this passage. Her reply 
was this : That she recollected no acquaintance with 
Mr. Henly ; but she remembered well Dr. Burnet and 
his character. That the king and the duke, and the 
whole court, looked upon him as the greatest lyar upon 
the face of the earth; and there was no believing one 
word that he said. I only repeat the answer I receiv- 
ed: far be it from me to make any such reflexion*.'* 
This very courtly language of the lady's was in- 
tended by his lordship as a fiill answer to the bishop's 
hearsay. What sort of an answer it is, appears from 
the remarks made on it by a very sensible writer, to 

whom his lordship had the wit to make no reply. , 

" When an historian," says he, " whose book was in 
the hands of all mankind, had charged her grace with 
having said to others, as well as Mr. Henly, that she 
believed king Charles was poisoned; and this fact was 
designedly enquired into, in order to falsify the histo- 
rian ; was it possible to have it more strongly establish- 
ed? Does her grace even pretend to deny, that she 

• Lansdown't Works, ?o]. 11. p. 177. 


countenanced by him, will, for ever, mark 
his reign with infamy". 

believed king Charles was poisoned ? Does she ai6rm 
(which if the thing was false she might safely have 
done) that she never told any person that the king was 
poisoned ? Nay, does she so much as take upon her to 
say, that she never gave Mr. Henly such an account ? 
These might have been offered as contradictions to the 
bishops hearsay ; but, surely, the bare not recollecting 
an acquaintance with Mr. Henly, is none. It was not 
necessary he should have such an acquaintance in 
order to enquire into the truth of a story, of which the' 
duchess of Portsmouth was reported the author: the 
meeting her grace in a visit, at a third place, was a su^ 
ficient opportunity for putting such a question to her. 
As to the character she gave of Dr. Burnet, as from the 
king and the duke (were there no objection to her 
grace's testimony), princes are so seldom acquainted 
with the real characters of men who are odious to their 
ministers ; and when they are incensed against a man, 
are apt to indulge themselves in such liberties, that, I 
l)elieve, their calling Dr. Burnet a lyar, will be under- 
stood, by men of sense, to import no more, than that 
he had spoken truths to them which they were no ways 
inclined to believe or hear. One of these, mentioned 
in the history, was so contrary to the duchess's interest, 
that it may, possibly, have given her a prejudice 

against the bishop*." These reflexions, in my 

opinion, are very judicious. 

^' The impious profligate manners, introduced or 
countenanced by him, will mark his reign with in- 
famy.] Few courts have been free from vice. The 

* Remarks on Laiudown't Letter, p. 19. 


Bianners of James and Charles I. were fiir enough from 
being irreproachable : but they were willing to seem 
good, and to be thought religious ; as appears from 
the form of devotion they kept up, and the noise tbey 
made about the manner of performing it. Those who 
succeeded them, in the management of public affairs, 
tdlked much of religion also ; and countenanced such 
as most strictly professed it : so that, with them, it 
was fashionable to appear devout ; and to talk much of 
the concerns of the soul. Hence the charge of hypo- 
crisy so indiscriminately advanced against them. 

But be the thing true, or false ; certain it is, there was 
the appearance, at least, of religion and virtue in the 
nation at the Restoration ; and men, for the most part, 
did not glory in their shame, for where administration 
does not countenance profligates, profligacy will never 

be in vogue. But no sooner had Charles the Second 

returned, than the face of things altered. Religion 
became a jest; and virtue was mocked at : and those 
were most favoured by his majesty, who ridiculed 
every thing good and sacred. This is borne witness to 

by writers of all parties : by men of all professions. 

** With the restoration of the king, a spirit of extra- 
vagant joy spread over the nation, that brought on 
with it the throwing off the very professions of virtue 
and piety : all ended in entertainments and drunken- 
ness, which over-run the three kingdoms to such a 
degree that it very much corrupted all their morals. 
Under the colour of drinking the kings health, there 
were great disorders and much riot every where : and 
the pretences of religion, both in those of the hypocri- 
tical sort, and of the more honest but no less pernicious 
enthusiasts, gave great advantages, as well as they 
furnislied much matter, to the profane mockers of true 
piety. Those who had been concerned in the former 



trtoitibtmify thought ihey could not redeem themselves 
frottt iSie ee'asures and jealousies that those brought on 
them, by any method that was more sure and more 
easyj than by giving into the stream and laughing at 
all religion, telling or making stories to expose both 
themselves and their party as impious and ridiculous*.** 

Mr. Echard says, '* the yeat of the Restoration 

produced jovial entertainilients, loyal remembrances, 
free conversation, amorous intrigues, refined courtship 
land gallantry, with other softening and fashionable ex- 
pressions, which served to cover the most enormous 
viciousness in the court and other places. All which 
was encouraged and promoted by the licentiousness of 
the two new-erected theatres or play-houses, where 
there seemed to have been very little restraint, and 
where a new custom was now introduced of bringing 
in women upon the stage, which before had been per- 
sonated by bo3-s or young men. '1 bus the felicity of 
the times was first sullied, and afterwards corrupted; 
so as, by degrees, to bring insuperable inconveniences 

upon the nation^." Wood, speaking of lord 

Rochester, observes, " that, at his return from his 
travels, he frequented the court ; which not only de- 
bauched him, but made him a perfect HobbistV 
The same writer, in the article of Fleetwood Sheppard, 
says, " After his majestj-'s restoration he retired to 
Londorf, hanged on the court, became a debauchee and 
atheist, a grand companion with Charles lord Buck- 
hurst, Henry Saville, and others. After Eleanor Guinn 
had a natural son by king Charles II. he became her 

• Burnet, vol. I. p. 92. * Id. vol II. p. 41. « Wood'* 

Atbenae, vol. II. c. 654. SorbiPre ioforms us, that his majesty gave Mr4 
Hobbes a yearly pension of a hundred Jacobus's ; and kept a copper cut 
of his picture in hb closet of natural and mechanical •niiontae^* Voya^ 
to England, p. 39. 8vo^ Lond. 1709. 

•.-€ -• • 


steward; and afterwards to that natural diil^ eaOed, 
Charles earl of Burford (since duke of St. AUmois) ; 
and managed all their concerns. So that, by that em- 
ployment, coming to the knowledge of the said king, 
he became one of his companions in private to make 
him merry, at the duchess of Portsmouth's, Cheffings's, 

and Bap. May's *.** Even Clarendon himself, bigot* 

ted and partial as he is, owns, ** the king took little 
|>Ieasure in the queens conversation ; and more indulged 
to himself all liberties in the conversation of those who 
used all their skill to supply him with divertisements, 
which might drive all that was serious out of his 
thoughts ^.'* In another place, he says, '' that the con- 
stunt conversation with men of great profsmeness, 
whose wit consisted in abusing scripture, and in re- 
peating and acting what the preachers said in their 
sermons, and turning it into ridicule (a faculty in 
which the duke of Buckingham excelled), did much 
lessen the natural esteem and reverence he [the king] 
had for the clergy ; and inclined him to consider them 
as a rank of men that compounded a religion for their 
own advantage, and to serve their own tum^." This 
same Buckingham, we are told, ^reported all the 
licence and debauchery of the court in the most lively 
colours, being himsdf a frequent eye and ear witness 

*' Those who heretolnre soQght priYate holes. 

Securely in the dark to damn their soulSy 
Wore Tizards of hypocrny, to steal 
And sliok away, in masquerade, to hell ; 
Now bring thar crimes into the open sao* 
For all mankind to gaze their worst npon. 

For men have now made vice so great an art. 
The matter off fiu^t's become the slightest part ; 

* Wood's Atheiua, c. 1039. ^ Claiendoa's Continuatioo, yqL UL 

p. 641. *ld.2>.GS3. ^ id. p. 701. 


■ I.- 


And the debauched'st actions they can do, 

Meer trifles to their circumstance and ^how. 

For 'tis not what they do that's now the sin, 

^ut what they lewdty affect and glory in ; 

As if prepost'rously they would profoM 

A forc'd hypocrisy of wicked nesB." nhTtm *• 

More modem writers make the same complaint of 
the obscenity introduced in this reign. 


In the fat age of pleasure, wealth, and ease, 
Spiung the rank weed, and thriv'd with large increase; 
When love was all an easy monarch's care ; 
Seldom at council, never in a war: 
Jilts rul'd the state, and statesmen farces writ ; 
Nay, wits had pensions, and yonng lords had wit: 
The fair sat panting at a courtier's play. 
And not a mask went unimproved away : 
The modest fan was lifted up no more, 
And virgins smil'd at what they blush'd before." 


•' Charles/' says Mr. Walpole, " introduced the 
fashions of the court of France^ without its elegance. 
He had seen Lewis XIV. countenance Corneille, Mo- 
liere, Boileau, Le Sueur ; who, forming themselves on 
the models of the antients, seemed, by the purity of 
their writings, to have studied only in Sparta. Charles 
found as much genius at home : but how licentious, 
how indelicate, was the style he permitted or demand- 
ed! Dryden's tragedies are a compound of bombast 
and heroic obscenity, inclosed in the most beautiful 
numbers. If Wycherly had nature, it is nature stark*- 
naked. The painters of that time veiled it but little 
more : Sir Peter Lely scarce saves appearances but by 
a bit of fringe or embroidery. His nymphs, generally 
reposed on the turf, are too wanton and too magnifi- 

■ Butler's Works, by Thyer, vol. I. p. 72. Svo, Lond. 1759. * Pope's 
Essay on Criticism. In Warburton's edit. 1756. 






a n 

cent to be taken for any thing but maids of honour 

What more need be said on this subject ? The 

Uritn^sses are unanimous: the fact uncontroverted. 
Let us leave him then a warnings to posterity, of the 
danger arising from bad principles in a sovereign ; and 
the woes to be expected from men void of humanity 
and virtue, when in power. Their vices afiect not 
merely themselves : they alone are not hurt by them. 
The community is infected as with a deadly leprosy, 
which descends to posterity : and though, by the vir- 
tue of their successors, the disorder for a time may be 
palliated; it seldom is whoUy cured; but, as opportu- 
nity offers, breaks forth with new violence, and hardly 
ever fails of terminating in destruction. 

* Walpole's Anecdotes of Paintiog; vol. IIL p. 2. 4to. 1763. 




No. I. 
(Communicated by the Hon. Horace Walpole, Esq.) 

For my worthy Friend Capt. John Dunche at his Fathers 
att Peusey near Abington in Berkshire. 

Whitehall Aug. 28*^*, — 58. r. crom well. 


I received your last sad intelligence of the death of 
St. Barbe and his lady. I am perswaded they are 
cute of a troublesome worlde, and certainly happy: 
the losse is not soe much theires, as there neighbours. 
The stroake of death is soe forcible that the strongest 
cannot stand againste itt, noe weapons of the flesh to 
encounter the grave, they must be spirituall. Such I 
hope they had (by the grace of God) to make a vic- 
tory, to chearge through unto the place of there wishes 
and glory. His friendship will make me to rejoyce in 
his & his wyfe's happyness. It is a providentiall 
stroake and ought to teache the moste healthy & 
happy. I am fully p'swaded the country hath a losse 
in himi and I also, they as wanting one that would 


368 APPENmX. 

assist them in difficulties^ I in a friende ; I wante not 
a for him, nor I hope shall not for the 

countrye's sake. I intended to have written to you by 
the firste returne but was disappointed : and sence his 
highnesse hath been soe ill that I have not had either 
oppertunity or desire to sett pen to paper; we have 
not been without very greate feares ; for his bignesses 
illnesse hath been such as hath put physishians to a 
nonplus. Our hopes are somewhat increased by this 
fitt of an ague, and shall it please God to goe on with 
his gentle hand and bring him temperately oute of this 
fitt, and not renew att the time his former fitt began 
or viset us with a quartaine, we shall have some re- 
viving comforte, and cause to magnifie his goodnesse 
it, being a new life to his highnesse & the aiiaires as 
they now stand of this nation, with the protestant in- 
terest of Christendom. I believe the rum" of this dan- 
gerous illnesse hath flowen into all p^* of this nation 
and hath caused severall persons of ill affections to 
prick up there eares, which will cause friends to be 
vigilant, for they will hope they have a gaime to play ; 
It is a time that will discover all coloures and much of 
the disposition of the nation may be now gathered. I 
heare that those that have been enemyes, others that 
have been noe friends, some of boeth are startled fear-- 
ing there possessions and worser conditions, not con- 
sidering there affection, in this hazard his highnesse is 
in. It must be the goodnesse of God that shall save 
him, and his knowledge of the state of England and 
Xtchiandome; the spirritt of prayer which is powered 
out for him & the faith which is acted on behalf of 
him gives us the beste comforte & hopes : myne & 
my wyfe's respects to your fa. and mother. I rest 



Tomyloying Friend Cap t, JohnDunchei alt Himeby. 
neare Winchester in Hants. These. 

From his Highnesse. Whitehall, Jan. 18,-58. 


I have written to your brother Pitman (which letter 
I advise may speed by your care of sending it, to what 
place it shall finde him) to iacurridge the election of 
Mr. Rivety whoe though chosen after the dispute of 
Mr. Whitehead & Reynolds ; yet is conceived to be- 
the better election than either the other tow: and 
ought to be returned, for that it was a generall and free 
choyce of the electors of that place : and the dispute 
will not lye with Rivet: but I am informed that White- 
head will question that of Reynolds which hath a 
ground to be disputed, Whitehead being able to lett 
himselfe in upon the choyce which is made at Liming- 
ton ; pray advise also with my fa : Major & with 
Rivet; & if it be as we understand the election here, 
then cause a returne to be made of that choyce either 
by Rivet's appearing, or doe it by yourself or others. 
The second parte of my letter is that your brother 
would appear at Whitechurch, for certainly W. nor 
the burrowgh cati justifie, he taking a blanche instru- 
ment from the place, & they forgiving him such un- 
justifiable power & liberty. I would have you to see 
whether yi*. brother can get himselfe in by a fjtee and 
open choyce, which will be justifyed before that way 
of Wallop's. 

Remember me to my father and mother Majors, & 
my sister, with one kisse to my little boye, having no- 
thinge more but rest 



I thinl^Wtf -can justifie Whitechurch 

VOL. v. Bb 

. 1.*, 


«70 . J^PPENDIX. 

^ well as Wallop, if you choose one, 
yoamay choose tow, 8c that P^ Walkor 
may ^e the other, or rather Withers 
of Manningdowne whoe is an active 
man, and one that Wallop hath diso- 
bleiged. It is certaine the towne is 
4ree to choose, if it bo- as we are in- 

No. II. 

(Communicated by the late Rev. Dr. Birch, Secretary 

to' the Royal Society.) 

Copy of a letter of J. Aprice, a Romish priest, to Mr. 

William Lynwood, at his house ia Deane, Northanip- 


Dear Brother, Feb. IQ, 1685. 

The great change, which is made in our n^tiop, 
. isince I wrote to you, is the wonder of all men. If 
we consider, that 'tis the divine providence, that r^}^ 
over kingdoms, & the hearts of men, we sbopld the 
less wonder. Who could have say'd a while ago, thajt 
these eyes of mine should have seen two catliolick 
kings reign over us in this nation i But that God, 
who preserved our late king of blessed memory by so 
many wonderfuU miracles, all his lifetime, did allso 
at his death call him to his mercy, by making him tQ 
be reconciled to his holy church, which he did in tbi^ 
manner. The day he fell ill, which was the Monday, 
he was no sooner recovered of his fit, but his trusty 
loving brother, our now most gracious sovereign, 
fearing a relapse, put him in mind of his soul ; which 
advice he immediately embraced, and desired no time 
might be lost in the execution of it. Whereupon Mr. 
Huddleston was commanded to attend instantly there- 
abouts : but the . great affairs of the nattov. coQiing 



APPENDIX." 87 1 

pexpetually before him^ time could not }>ossibly be 
found till Thursday. But the king finding his natural 
strength decay^ commanded of his own accord all to 
retire out of the room^ telling them^ that lie had some^ 
thing to communicate to his brothei*. Then Mr. Hudr 
dieston being brought in^ that great work wa^ done^ 
& with that exactness, that there was nothing omitted 
either necessary or decent; &, as Mr. Huddleston 
himself has told me^ by a particular instance of God's 
grace, the king was as. ready and apt in making his 
confession, & all other things, as if he had been brought 
up a catholick all his life time : 8c from that moment 
till eight of the clock the next day, att which time his 
speech left him, he was heard to say little but begging 
Almighty God's pardon for all offences & the like ; so 
that we may joyfully say, God have mercy of his 
soul, & make him eternally participant of his kingdom 
of heaven, ■ 

As for our present king, he dayly gives us by his ac- 
tions new hopes of a great deal of future happiness ; 
for besides the great content & satisfaction, which 
seems to be in every body here, we in particular have 
reason to praise God for giving him so much courage 
and resolution to confess his faith publickly, as he did 
yesterday in a most eminent manner; fof on Fridfj 
last be declared to the councell, that he was resolved 
to make known publickly to the world of wh£|t religion 
he was : and yesterday he came with the queen to the 
ohapell, attended by all the nobility & ger\try about 
court, 2c there received together with the ^ueen from. 
the hands of her almoner the most precious body and< 
blood of our Saviour, with as much devotion, a^ L ever 
saw in any maa; 8l heard all the t^^e upon bis knees, 
two long mass A 

This ceremqjQy I s^^ & will allways esteem the day 

B b 2 



holy/ whereon it was done; for above this 126 yearj?, 
the like has not been seen in England. 

The mayor and aldermen of London came on Sa- 
torday last with an address to the king in the name of 
the city^ wherein they promise to stand by him with 
their lives 8c fortunes, which I hope will be a good 
example to all others to do the like. 

This is all but my true love to my dear sister, 8c all 


From, dear brother. 

Your affectionate brother and servant, 


(The original letter is now in the hands of Mrs* 
Eyre of Stamford: and J. Aprice, above-mentioned, 
was a Romish priest, and relation of hers ; as was also 
Mr. tynwood, to whom the letter was written.) 

No. III. 

A Copy of a Letter from the Duchess of Cleveland to 
King Charles TL From the Original, now in the 
liands of the Earl of Berkshire, 1731. Harleyan 
Manuscripts, N". 7006. 

Paris, Tuesday the 28th, — 78. 
I was never so surprized in my hoUe life time as I 
was at my coming hither, to find my lady Sussex gone 
from my house and monastery where I left her, and 
this letter from her, which I here send you the copy 
of. I never in my hoUe life time heard of such govern- 
ment of herself as she has had, since I went into 
England. She has never been in the monastery two 
days together, but every day gone out with the ambas- 
sador*, and has often lain four days together at my 
house, and sent for her meat to the ambassador, he' 

* Ralph Mountague^ afterwards doke of Mountague. 


being always with her till five o'clock in the morning, 
they two shut up together alone, and would not let my 
maistre dliotel wait, nor any of my servants, only the 
ambassadors. This has made so great a noise at Paris, 
that she is now the holle discourse. I am so much af- 
jfiicted that I c^an hardly write this for crying, to see a 
child that I doted on as I did on her, should make me 
so ill a return, and join w^ith the worst of men to ruin 
me. For sure never malice was like the ambassadors, 
that only because I would not answer to his love, and 
the importunities he made to me, was resolved to ruin 
me. I hope your majesty will yet have that justice 
and consideration for me, that though I have done a 
foolish action, you will not let me be ruined by this 
most abominable man. I do confess to you that I did 
write a foolish letter to the chevalier do Chatilion, 
•which letter I sent inclosed to madam de Pallai; and 
sent hers in a packet I sent to lady Sussex by Sir 
Henry Tichborn ; which letter she has either given to 
the ambassador, or else he had it by his man, to whom 
Sir Harry Tichborn gave it, not finding my lady Sus- 
sex. But as yet I do not know which of the ways he 
had it, but I shall know as soon as I have spoke with 
Sir Harry Tichborn. But the letter he has, and I 
•doubt not but he has or will send it to you. Now all 
I have to say for myself is, that you know as to love, 
one is not mistress of ones self, and that you ought not 
to be offended at me, since all things of this nature is 
at an end with you and I. So that I could do you no 
prejudice. Nor will you I hope follow the advice of 
this ill man who in his heart I know hates you, and 
were it not for his interest would ruin you to if he 
could. For he has neither conscience or honor, and 
has several times told me, that in his heart he despised 
you and your brother; and that foi his pajrt, he wished 
with all bis heart that the parliament would send jo}i 



• « 


boflfWtWvel ; for you were a dnll governable ibol 
^iitvf*Qfike a wilful fool. So that it were yet better 
*tb have you than him, but that you always chose a 
greater beast than yourself to govern you. And when 
I was to come over he brought me two letters to bring 
to you, which he' read both to me before be sealed 
'them. The one was a mans, that he said yon had 
great faith in ; for that he had at several times foretold 
things to you that were of consequence *, and that you 
believ'd him in all things, like a changeliiig as you 
WTerc : And thaf now he had wrote you word that in 
a few months the king of France and his son weie 
threatned with death, or at least with a great fit of 
sickness, in which they would be in great danger if 
they did not die : and that therefore he eounseird you 
to defer any resolutions either of war or peace till some 
months were past ; for that if this happened it would 
ndke a great change in France. The ambassador after 
be bad read this to me said, ^' now the good of this is 
said he, that I can do what I will with this man, for 
be is poor, and a good sum of money will make him 
write whatever I will.** So he proposed to me that be 
and I should join together in the ruin of my lord trea* 
surer and the duchess of Portsmoutl^ which might be 
done thus: The man, though he wtts infirm and ill 
should go into England, and there after having been a 
little time to sollicit you for money ; for that yon were 
so base, that though you employed him, you let him 
starve. So that he was obliged to give him 50/. and 
that the man had writ several times to you for mooey. 
*^ Andy** says he, '^ when he is in England, he shall tell 
the king things that he foresees will intallibly ruin 
hiin.^ and so wish those to be removed, as haviog aa 
ill star, that would be uHfortnnate to vou, if thev were 


not reoMtfl^^'' but if that were done, he was confident 
YOU woaM have the most glorious reign that ever wq|k 
This, says he, I am sure i can order so as to bring to 
a good effect, if you will. And in the mean time I 
will try to get secretary Coventrys place, which he haa 
a mind to part with, but not to Sir William Temple; 
because he is the treasurers creatare, and he bates the 
treasurer, and I have already employed my sisttr to 
talk with Mr. Cook, and to mind him to engage Mr* 
Coventry not to part with it as yet, and he has assured 
my lady Harvy be will not. And my lord treasurers 
lady and Mr.Bertee are both of them desirous I should 
have it. And when I have it I will be damn'd if I do 
not quickly get to be lord treasurer; and then yoa 
and your children shall find such a friend as never waa^. 
And for the king, I will find a way to furnish him m 
easily with money for his pocket and his wendMS^ 
that we will quickly out Bab. May, and lead the kiiig 
by the nose. So when I had heard him out, I teU 
him, I tbank'd him, but that I would not meddte 
with any such thing : and that for my part I had do 
malice to my lady Portsmouth, or to the treasurer, and 
therefore would never be in any plot to destroy tbeni. 
But that I found the character which the world gave rf 
him was true : which was that the devil was not move 
designing than he was, and that I wondered at it, Ibr 
sure all these things working in his brain must make 
him very uneasy, and would at last make him mad. 
Tis possible you may thinki say all tdiia ontof malice. 
'Tis true he has urged me beyond all patience :'but what 
I tell you here is most true ; and I will take the sacro- 
ment on it whenever you please. 'Tis certain I woaU 
not have been so base as to have informed against him 
for what he said befoie me, had be not provoked oae to 
it in tfaia violent way tba;t he has. There is no ill thiog 




which he has not done to me, and..tbat^ithout any 
lyovocation of mine, but that I woind ju>t love him. 
Now as to what relates to my daughter Sussex and her 
behaviour to me, I must confess that afflicts me be- 
yond expression, and will do much more, if what he 
has done be by your orders. For though I have an 
entire submission to your will, and will not complain 
whatever you inflict upon me ; yet I cannot think you 
would have brought things to this extremity with me, 
tod not have it in your nature ever to do cruel things 
to any thing living. I hope therefore you will not 
begin with me ; and if the ambassador has not received 
his orders from you, that you will severely reprehend 
him for this inhuman proceeding. Besides he has done 
what you ought to be very angry with him for. For 
he has been with the king of France, and told him 
that he had intercepted letters of mine by your order ; 
by which he had been informed that there was a kind- 
ttess between me and the chevalier de Chatilion ; and 
^ therefore you bad him take a course in it, and stop 
my letters ; which accordingly he has done. And that 
upon this you order'd him to take my children from 
me and to remove my lady Sussex to another monas- 
tery ; and that you was resolved to stop all my pen- 
sions, and never to have any regard to me in any 
thing. And that if he would oblige your majesty, he 
should forbid the chevalier de Chaiilion ever seeing 
jne upon the displeasure of losing his place, and being 
forbid the court: for that he was sure you expected 
this from him. Upon which the king told him, that he 
could not do any thing of this nature : for that this 
was a private matter, and not for him to take notice 
of. And that he coidd not imagine that you ought to 
be so angry, or indeed be at all concerned ; for that all 
.ihe world knew, that now all things of gallantry were 


appendix; 377 

at an end with you and I. And that being so, and so • 
publicky he did not see why you should be offended at 
my loving any body. This it was a thing so comifton 
now-a-days to have a gallantry, that he did not wonder - 
at any thing of this nature. And when he saw the 
king take the thing thus, he told him if he would not: 
be severe with the chevalier de Chatilioa upon your 
account he supposed he would be so upon his own: 
for that in the letters he had discovered, he found that 
the chevalier had proposed to me the engaging of you 
in the marriage of the Dauphin and Madamoiselle*: 
and that was my, greatest business into England*. 
That before I went over I had spoke to him of the 
thing, and would have engaged him in it ; but that he 
refused it : for that he knew very well the indifference 
you had whether it was so or no, and how little you- 
cared how Madamoiselle was married : that since I. 
went into England it was possible I might engage 
somebody or other in this matter to press it to you ; 
but that he knew very well, that in your heart you 
cared not whether it w^s or no, that this business 
setting on foot by the chevalier. Upon which the 
king told him, that if he would shew him any letters^ 
of the chevalier de Chatilion to that purpose, he should 
then know what he had to say to him ; but that till he 
saw those letters, he would not punish him without a 
proof for what he did. Upon which the ambassador 
shewed a letter, which he pretended one part of it was 
a double entendre. The king said he could not see 
that there was any thing relating to it, and so left 
him, and said to a person there, sure the ambas- 

* Madamoiielle wai the daughter of Philip duke of Orleans, and Hen- 
rietta sister of king Charles IL 

^ This was Mountague's own proposal, made to the king in hii letter (o 
him of Jan. IQth, 1677-8, preserved in the Danby Papers, p. 48* 

.-*■»: ^ 


lador was the worst man thai ever was; f(Mr because 
my lady Cleveland will not love him, he strives to ruin 
her the basest in the world ; and would have me to 
sacrifice the chevalier de Chatilion to his revenge; 
which I shaD not do till I see belter proofs of his 
having meddled in the marriage of the Dauphin and 
Madamoiselle than any yet the ambassador has shewed 
me. This methinks is what you cannot but be offend- 
ed at, and I hope you will be offended with him for his 
holle proceeding to me^ and let the world see you will 
never countenance the actions of so base and ill a man. 
I had forgot to tell you that he told the king of France, 
lli&t many people had reported, that be had made love 
to me; but that there was nothing of it; for that be 
had too much respect for you to think of any such 
thing. As for my lady Sussex, I hope you will think 
fit to send for her over, for she is now mightily dis- 
<H>ursed of for the ambassador. If you will not believe 
file in this, make enquiry into the thing, and you will 
find it to be true. I have desired Mr. Kemble to give 
you this letter, and to discourse with you at laige 
upon this matter, to know your resolution, and whe- 
ther I may expect that justice and goodness from 3'ou 
which all the world does. I promise you that for my 
conduct, it shall be such, as that you nor nobody shall 
have occasion to blame me. And I hope you will be 
just to what you said to me, which was at my house 
when you told me you had letters of mine ; you said, 
Madam, all that I ask of you for your own sake is, live 
so for the future as to make the least noise you can, 
and I care not who you love. Oh ! this noise that is 
had never been, had it not been for the ambassadors 
malice. I cannot forbear once again saying, I hope 
you will iioi gratify his malice in my ruin. 


(N. B. Ann Pdmer, natural daughter by adoption of 
King Charles II. by Barbara duchess of Cleveland, 
was married to Thomas Lennard lord Dacres, created 
earl of Suffolk by king Charles II. Hbtory of the 
Royal Family, p. 256. 8vo. London, 1713;-— and 
Wood's Fasti, vol. II. c. 154.) 


G. WoooPALL, Printer, 
Ang^l Court, Skinner Street, LondoH. 



%♦ JRw the General Index, tJte Reader is requested to rtfer to ikt 

End qf Volume I.